The Olympian versus Chthonian dichotomy is a pervasive paradigm for approaching Greek gods, and since the nineteenth century it has provided a model for scholarly understanding of Greek perception of the divine.1 Three main strands have become important in this debate: (1) a dualistic, almost Manichean, view of the divine,2 nowadays mostly contested,3 since even though the idea of the polarity of the divine is still present in modern scholarship, it does not appear in relation to the development of Greek religious practices;4 (2) distinct sacrificial practices and rituals, the natures of which are still debated;5 and (3) creation of an overarching category of ‘chthonians’, assigned to some deities regardless of whether they were labelled as such by the ancients.6 The application of this label is an arbitrary scholarly choice: it is true that the ‘category’ existed,7 but given the ambiguity of contexts, it is hard to say which deities were considered by the ancients as ‘chthonians’ and where, and, as Robert Parker put it, ‘there is little profit in applying the label “chthonian” where the ancients did not’.8 Indeed, the distinction between Olympian and Chthonian categories of the divine was not clear-cut, and some ‘chthonians’ were even worshipped occasionally as ‘Olympians’, as the evidence demonstrates.9 Thus, chthonios cannot be a rigid category, assigned by default to those with ‘displeasing names’ (δυσχερεστέρας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας ἔχοντας), to borrow Isocrates’ ambiguous phrase;10 it rather constitutes a specification of the divine sphere of activity.

In this context, it seems necessary to examine the category of chthonians in full in order to understand the profile of the divinities so labelled,11 especially given the fact that among eighty attestations of chthonios in extant Greek literature from Homer to Apollonius Rhodius, forty-three apply to the divine; in inscriptions chthonios occurs fifty-four times and it is exclusively used as an epithet of gods.12 In what follows, I first look at the contexts and semantics of chthonios and examine the nuances of its meaning, and the range of its usage, in order to understand in the second part of this chapter the reasons for its application to deities. To my knowledge, this is the first attempt to collect and systematically analyze the testimonies related to chthonios. My contention is that the deities with the epithet chthonios are not only closely connected to earth, as the meaning of chthonios indicates, but also linked through her to concepts of fertility and justice, as well as to the Underworld.

1. CHTHONIOS IN CONTEXT(S)

Etymologically, chthonios (χθόνιος) derives from a very old name of the earth itself, Chthon (χθών), retained in most Indo-European languages; its basic meaning is ‘belonging to (the) earth’.13 Dictionaries further specify this meaning as ‘the Underworld, indigenous’.14 A thorough analysis of the contexts, however, proves that these nuances render the basic idea of ‘belonging to or being part of (the) earth’.

‘Belonging to (the) earth’ can be nuanced as follows: (1) ‘born from (the) earth’, given that it (a) displays genealogical characteristics: of the Titanes,15 the race of Erechtheus,16 Echion and his race (Pentheus),17 the children of Inachos,18 Typhon,19 Gorgon,20 snakes,21 and mountains;22 and that it (b) indicates a place of origin of natural phenomena, such as tornados23 and thunder.24 These phenomena are labelled as chthonian because they either ‘originate’ in the earth, like a tornado, or cause the earth to resound with ‘chthonian rumbling’,25 like thunder. The earth is the source in both these cases—of the tornado, and of rumbling as a product of thunder.26 Similarly, the ‘chthonian sound of bronze’ in Euripides’ Helen seems to refer to the sound with which earth resonates.27

Further nuance of (1a) can be possibly seen in ‘indigenous’, a meaning applied to chthonios by the Greek–English Lexicon in four passages.28 Chantraine limited this meaning to the passages of Sophocles, unfortunately, without any further explanation.29 We have just seen that in the passage from Sophocles’ Ajax, the ‘chthonian race of Erechtheus’ points to their genealogy as those ‘born from the earth’ (1a)—thus chthonios can be rendered as ‘indigenous to the soil of Athens’.

A passage from Sophocles’ Oedipus at Colonus, however, complicates the ascription of the meaning ‘indigenous’ to chthonios. Kreon tells Oedipus that those who wander as a result of some sinful past—patricides, impure men, and those in whose company are found children of unholy marriages—are not welcome in Athens. ‘I know’, he says, ‘that such is the wise Rock of Ares to them, which is chthonian, that it would not allow such wanderers to live together in this city.’30 A translation of chthonios as ‘native’ or ‘indigenous’, or more literally as ‘earth-born’, in this context is again not impossible, given that mythologically mountains were born from the Earth31 and rocks were considered to be her bones;32 but it seems that again the meaning of chthonios may be more nuanced.

First of all, as Kreon says, the Areopagus guards the citizens from pollution, which is also confirmed by the crimes in which the court of the Areopagus specialized. As listed by Demosthenes and Aristotle, they can be gathered under the category of capital crimes, including homicide.33 The court of the Areopagus also protected the city’s ‘secret deposits or tombs’, which were believed to keep the city safe.34 Furthermore, Pausanias states that those acquitted in the Areopagus sacrificed by the statues of Plouton, Hermes, and Earth (Ge) in the sanctuary of the Semnai Theai,35 which was located on the north-eastern slope of the Areopagus, probably in a rocky fracture (no remains of this precinct have yet been identified).36 And finally, in Sophocles’ Oedipus at Colonus the Semnai Theai are rendered as Eumenides and the ‘dread goddesses’, ‘daughters of Earth and Darkness’ (ἔμφοβοι | θεαί σφ’ ἔχουσι, Γῆς τε καὶ Σκότου κόραι).37 All these deities display strong connections to the world of the dead. Therefore, the meaning of chthonios must bear more solemn connotations than just ‘native’ in this case, perhaps rendering the reverent fear about which Athena speaks in Aeschylus’ Eumenides.38 We will come back to this point as well as to the remaining two passages in which chthonios refers exclusively to deities.39 It is important to notice at this point that chthonios is never used to indicate people as indigenous inhabitants of a given place. This meaning is always rendered by autochthōn in Greek.40

The basic meaning of chthonios, ‘belonging to (the) earth’, encompasses a second nuance: (2) ‘being part of (the) earth’, which can be understood either (a) literally, as something that is rooted in the earth41 or belongs to Earth, the goddess;42 or (b) metaphorically, as characteristic of Earth, the goddess, for instance her wrath.43 The passages in which chthonios refers to the Underworld should be seen as belonging to (2a),44 given the conceptual co-extensiveness of the earth and the Underworld.45 The Underworld element further nuanced the meaning of chthonios by lending it its own properties, as some contexts suggest. For example, one of the surviving fragments of Alcman’s poetry mentions a ‘chthonian prodigy (teras)’.46 The Suda explains that this phrase refers to Eris, and that some people interpret chthonios in this case as ‘hateful’ (stygnos), others as ‘great’ (mega).47Eris could be interpreted here as either a goddess or as abstract strife: the lack of context prevents a firm identification. Eris in Hesiod’s Theogony is called stygerē (‘hateful’, ‘frightful’),48 and she is the last daughter of the terrifying offspring of Night.49 Although, in his Works and Days, Hesiod tells Perses that there are two Erides on earth, the good and the bad one,50 given that in the Iliad Eris, sent by Zeus, is carrying a sign of war,51 and Achilles wishes that Eris may perish from among gods and mortals,52 and given Hesiod’s ‘didactic’ motivation,53 it is more probable that in Alcman’s case we are dealing with Eris that is stygerē, ‘hateful’ or ‘frightful’; chthonios, thus, probably means stygnos here.

This is the meaning which chthonios acquired through metonymy, that is through acquisition of the characteristics of the Underworld, which is ‘hateful’ to mortals and immortals alike.54 The same Suda entry which gives Alcman’s fragment also explains the meaning of chthonios in a passage from Plato’s Republic as ‘dark’ (skoteinē),55 obviously referring to the darkness of the Underworld.56 According to the myth of Er, a person who lived a philosophic life will experience the journey to the ‘afterlife’ and back again as heavenly (ourania, that is lampra or ‘bright’, according to the Suda) and ‘smooth’ (leia), whereas for a person who lived a non-philosophic life such a journey will be dark (chthonia, meaning skoteinē here, according to the Suda) and ‘rough’ or ‘harsh’ (tracheia).57 One of the unattributed tragic fragments mentions chthonian lōbē (‘outrage’, or ‘dishonour’). Hesychius explains this phrase as ‘great’ (megalē) hybris,58 thus rendering chthonios as something ‘terrible’ and ‘grave’.

Chthonios displays further metonymic features. Anacreon says that he carried himself in a chthonian fashion,59 and in another fragment we read that he hates people who have chthonian and ‘difficult’ (chalepos) dispositions.60 Given that chthonios characterizes here a disposition, it could metonymically mean ‘grim’, ‘gloomy’, or even ‘sullen’, as Hades is generally described as smile-less and immersed in wailing.61 It could also mean ‘silent’, as death ‘robs of voice’,62 but this is less probable.63 As we have seen, the wrath of the Earth is also labelled as chthonian in Euripides’ Iphigenia in Tauris,64 and it is possible that chthonios could mean both in this context: the ‘earthly’ wrath (the goddess is not mentioned by name in the play, but referred to as thea) and the ‘great’, ‘awesome’, ‘frightful’ wrath. I would suggest the latter, as chthonios’ metonymic features seem to align with emotions, dispositions, and immaterial characteristics.

The meaning of chthonios, therefore, covers many aspects of what we can label as ‘belonging to’ and/or ‘being part of’ (the) earth, understood both as the ground and the divine. The transitions between the nuances of the meaning are fluid, and in some cases chthonios eludes specific interpretation. Thus, the chthonian Areopagus is both ‘earth-born’ as a rock and ‘reverend’/‘awe-inspiring’ because of its function/role and the deities associated with it. The chthonian wrath of Earth can be interpreted as both ‘earthly’ (because it is her emotion, ‘born out of/produced by her’) and ‘terrifying’ (because it is a negative emotion). ‘Earth-born’ can occasionally, depending on context, connote ‘indigenous’, but it does not constitute a specialized, separate, and discrete meaning; chthonios, after all, does not indicate any particular place, but generally ‘what is in the earth’. Most importantly, chthonios is never used in this sense in reference to human beings. A particular revelation is, however, the meaning which chthonios acquired through the absorption of characteristics of the Underworld, when denoting abstract concepts such as emotional states, dispositions (e.g. fear and awe). This draws attention to the semantic capacity of chthonios; it comes as no surprise that it was almost a purely poetic word. In the next section, I examine the semantic range of chthonios when applied to deities, exploring how many of the traits indicated by literary sources are discernible in the cult environment, and whether the meaning of chthonios can be helpful in understanding and defining cult characteristics of chthonian deities.

2. CHTHONIOS AND THE DIVINE

Chthonios occurs forty-three times in literary sources as a divine epithet,65 especially of Hades,66 Demeter,67 Erinyes,68 Arai,69 Zeus,70 Hermes,71 Hekate,72 Brimo (Hekate),73 Deo (Demeter),74theos (sc. Hades),75theai/kourai (sc. Demeter and Kore-Persephone),76 gods of the Underworld,77 rulers of the Underworld (sc. Hades and Persephone),78theai (Libyan heroines),79 and daimones (the Underworld deities).80 In inscriptions, the fifty-four instances all refer to a deity.81 The main context of the epigraphic examples is funerary (epitaphs and curse tablets): Hermes Chthonios,82 Hekate Chthonia,83chthonioi theoi,84 Demeter Chthonia,85 Persephone as Chthonian Queen and Kore Chthonia,86chthonioi, over whom Persephone rules.87 Ge Chthonia88 and Zeus Chthonios89 are the only deities who do not feature in funerary contexts in extant inscriptions. There are not many deities labelled as chthonioi in archaic and classical Greece, and the same divine figures occur in both literary and epigraphic sources. All these gods belong to a category directly connected to earth, with a prevailing emphasis on the Underworld. Let us now turn to the functions and cult contexts of the deities labelled as chthonioi and their conceptual links to earth.

It has been suggested that in the case of the Libyan heroines in the Argonautica, chthonios should render their nativeness,90 but there are good reasons to think that their connection to earth might have been more nuanced, as we shall see. Apollonius Rhodius uses chthonios to denote beings which appear to Jason in the Libyan desert, and who refer to themselves as ‘solitary […] chthonian goddesses with human voice, heroines who are protectors and daughters of Libya’ (οἰοπόλοι […] χθόνιαι θεαὶ αὐδήεσσαι | ἡρῶσσαι Λιβύης τιμήοροι ἠδὲ θύγατρες);91 they are also referred to as ‘chthonian nymphs or maidens’, daimones and ‘famous goddesses haunting the wilds’ (χθονίαι νύμφαι, δαίμονες, and ἐρημονόμοι κυδραὶ θεαί).92 The phrase ‘protectors and daughters of Libya’ indicates typical features of a hero cult.93 ‘Goddesses haunting the wilds’, however, suits nymphs more than heroes.94Daimones could be understood in many ways, sometimes even as equivalents to theoi,95 but as protectors of humans, daimones appear explicitly only in Hesiod.96

Libyan heroines seem to be quite well-known divine beings, with a cult attested at least from the Hellenistic period; Apollonius Rhodius may be referring to them in the passage in question.97 Since nymphai can be understood here in its primary meaning as ‘maidens’,98 it is difficult to assess whether these beings received cult as heroized mortal women, or as goddesses, or as nymphs.99 But it is quite possible that chthonios has a double meaning in this case: as daughters of Libya, and as her heroines, these chthoniai theai could be understood both as ‘native goddesses’, in the sense of being born from the soil of Libya, and as goddesses connected to the soil of Libya.100 An epigram by Nicaenetus, however, reveals that the Libyan heroines received a first-fruit sacrifice (ἱερὰ ταῦτα δράγματα) accompanied by pale-green wreaths made of straw tithed from winnowing (χλωροὺς ἐκ καλάμης στεφάνους, | ἅσσ’ ἀπὸ λικμητοῦ δεκατεύεται), which indicates their agricultural role.101 This is confirmed by an inscription on an altar from Thera,102 which mentions heroines (if Wilamowitz’s supplementation is correct) as bringers of the new harvest, and asks them to accomplish even greater things in Thera. Given that the Therans were the first Greeks to colonize Libya,103 it seems possible that the heroines mentioned in the inscription are the Libyan ones in question. If this is true, the connection of the Libyan heroines to harvest modifies the meaning of chthonios. Their connection to the soil is very specific: it is agricultural.

The ‘indigenous’ meaning of chthonios is ascribed by scholars104 to a passage from Euripides’ Hecuba.105 The titular protagonist prays to the chthonioi theoi to spare her son Polydoros (already dead), whose ghost in the prologue says that he ‘begged from those who rule below (chthonioi theoi) to allow him to fall into his mother’s hands and to obtain the grave (or burial)’.106 It is doubtful that any indigenous heroes are involved here; such permission is sought from the gods of the Underworld, Hades and Persephone.

Among the other deities labelled as chthonian, Hermes Chthonios may seem the easiest to explain, as mentions in Greek tragedy prove. In a fragment of Aeschylus’ Psychagogoi, Hermes Chthonios is called the ‘escort of the departed’ (πομπὸς φθιμένων) and is summoned together with Chthon and Zeus Chthonios to send up the swarm (of souls).107 The chorus of Euripides’ Alcestis asks Hades and Hermes Chthonios to receive her.108 Orestes prays to Hermes Chthonios as the one who watches over his father’s might or power and asks him to become his saviour and ally in the Choephoroi.109 Later in this play, Electra addresses him as ‘the great herald of those above and below’ and asks him to deliver her prayers to those beneath the earth, who watch over her father’s house, and to Earth herself.110 Furthermore, he is chthonios and nychios (‘of the night’) in the Chorus’ prayer to Earth and Agamemnon’s tomb for aid to Orestes in killing Aegisthus; Hermes Chthonios is here again in his role as ‘a watcher’, this time of the deadly contest.111 Sophocles has Electra pray to Hermes Chthonios alongside the house of Hades and Persephone, Curse, and Erinyes to avenge the death of Agamemnon and bring Orestes back to her.112 Ajax calls upon Hermes Chthonios and pompaios.113Pompaios means ‘escorter’, and Ajax asks the god to put him to sleep, which would suggest that Hermes Chthonios acts as the ‘escorter of souls’ here. It seems, however, that chthonios in this case modifies the meaning of pompaios, because in Aeschylus’ Eumenides Hermes pompaios is asked by Apollo to guide Orestes to Athens.114

In all these testimonies, given their contexts, Hermes Chthonios is connected to tombs and the Underworld, and associated with Earth, Erinyes, and the rulers of the beyond. His role as chthonios, however, is not to escort the souls of the dead to the Underworld,115 but rather, as in Orestes’ words above, to protect and watch over the ‘might’ or ‘power’ of the dead. This idea also seems to be expressed in the dedicatory formula in which Hermes Chthonios occurs in Thessalian and Macedonian epitaphs; it is possible that the tomb, through its dedication to him, at the same time entrusted the deceased to his protection.116

Hekate Chthonia also has strong connections with the dead, and tombs,117 and she seems to be credited with the ability to channel the powers of the dead;118 sometimes she is even called their ruler (ἐνέροισιν ἄνασσα).119 That may be why she occurs frequently in curse tablets with Hermes Chthonios.120 She does not appear, however, in the contexts of summoning the dead, whereas Hermes Chthonios does. In such cases, he occurs in the company of Chthon (Earth) and Zeus Chthonios, as in Aeschylus’ Psychagogoi,121 or Ge (Earth) and the king of those below (Aidoneus) in Aeschylus’ Persians.122 These two passages are parallel,123 and independently confirm the identity of Zeus Chthonios as an equivalent of Hades.124 It seems, however, that Hermes Chthonios may be modifying the sphere of activity and function of the combination Zeus Chthonios and Ge/Demeter,125 otherwise frequently occurring together in a cult context, as without Hermes Chthonios they appear only in an agricultural context.

This can be seen in Works and Days, where Hesiod advises prayer to Zeus Chthonios and Demeter Hagnē (‘reverend’)126 for good crops before sowing and ploughing.127 In the sacrificial regulation from Mykonos, Zeus Chthonios features alongside Ge Chthonia; again, the sacrifice is for crops.128 This time the victims are specified: they have to be skinned, black, and a year old. This choice strikingly resembles the victims offered by Odysseus to Hades and Persephone in book 11 of the Odyssey;129 to my knowledge, these are the only other attested black and skinned victims.130 It may seem bizarre that deities supposed to secure crops should be presented with a similar sacrifice to that offered to the rulers of the Underworld before summoning the dead. The black colour of the victims should not surprise, as it is commonly associated with the earth and the deities related to it.131 The crucial difference here seems to lie in the age of the victims. The Odyssey does not mention the age, while in the case of Mykonos it is clearly specified (one year). Since young victims are often offered to Demeter, marking the fertility aspect of her cult,132 we can suppose that Zeus Chthonios and Ge Chthonia appear here in a similar character.

Ge Chthonia is named once more in the extant sources in an inscription from Apollonia Pontica, which marks her megaron.133 Given that a megaron is specifically connected to fertility cults,134 and considering all the above, it seems that in Ge’s cult in Apollonia Pontica the fertility aspect was also significant, as it was at Mykonos.135 But without further context, whether she was an oracular deity in Apollonia Pontica or a goddess connected to the dead remains an open question. A combination of properties may be possible: Demeter Chthonia’s cult at Hermione was connected to both fertility and the dead.136 Demeter Chthonia is mentioned also on one of the so-called ‘Orphic’ gold leaves from Pherai,137 but it is impossible to say what character her ‘initiations’ (τέλη) had, as she had no cult attested at Pherai.138 Nor it is possible to determine whether it had any connection to Demeter’s cult in Hermione, even though the latter was at times seen by the ancients as competing with Eleusis, or mystic in character.139 It seems, however, that whatever the origins of the rites may be, it was important to bury information about them with the deceased, in whose grave the inscription was found; thus, some kind of protection after death by Demeter Chthonia, and her connection to that world, are confirmed. All other cults of Demeter Chthonia are either late or uncertain, given the extant sources.140

As we have seen, the profile of the deities worshipped as ‘chthonians’ is unfortunately fragmented, and, like their epithet, eludes single definition. It emerges as a complex cluster of interlinked properties encoded in the meaning of chthonios as explored in the first part of this essay. It shows connection to Earth and the Underworld, with a possible focus on one or more of the three main areas: fertility, protection, and justice. Various combinations of these divinities result in their different specialization as a group. But how fertility, justice, and protection are brought together under the umbrella term chthonios remains unclear. Given that its basic meaning refers to ‘belonging to/being part of (the) earth’, it seems logical to examine the earth herself next.

Earth had a variety of names. Under the name Chthon, from which chthonios derives, as observed earlier, she has no attested cult; however, it seems that one must have existed at some point. Chthon’s divine quality is highlighted already in Homer, where several generic words were used synonymously to refer to earth or land (such as chthon, gaia, aroura, aia, epeiros),141 but only chthon gets the epithet dia (‘heavenly’; sc. divine quality), twice.142 Otherwise, she is invoked by Hecuba as a lady (potnia) and mother of black-winged dreams,143 and in a choral prayer in Aeschylus’ Psychagogoi, mentioned above,144 where she is additionally referred to as primeval (ogygia).145 All other evidence shows that Chthon was used interchangeably with Ge/Gaia,146 and this synonymity is supported by the etymology: Andreas Willi has shown that both Ge/Gaia and Chthon derive from the root *(s)teg- meaning ‘to cover’.147 The interchangeability is also independently suggested by the existence of parallel epithets: gaios/geos (‘belonging to Ge’) and damatrios (‘belonging to Demeter’), applied to Hades/Zeus or the dead.148

Divine qualities of Earth (referred to as Chthon or Ge) are connected to oracular properties and oath-taking in the earliest sources.149 Earth as witness of oaths is an obvious choice as an ‘omnipresent’ deity; her oracular properties are connected with what is ‘within’ her.150 Her connection with the judicial sphere is marked by her presence in the temple of the Semnai Theai near the Athenian Areopagus,151 as we have seen, and by the fact that she is the mother of avenging spirits, the Erinyes.152 Fertility and protection are further obvious characteristics of Earth, visible in her epithets karpophoros and kourotrophos.153 All deities labelled with the epithet chthonios participate in all these qualities characteristic of Earth, even though, as the evidence discussed shows, they may have a special focus. Thus, even deities particularly connected to the world beyond and justice, such as Hades, Hekate, Hermes, or the Erinyes/Arai, participate in fertility broadly understood.154

Chthonios encompasses the sphere of exchange between this and the other world. This idea is metaphorically expressed in Electra’s prayer to Hermes in Aeschylus’ Choephoroi, in which she describes Earth as giving birth to all things, rearing them, and then taking them back.155 The analyses of Demeter Chthonia and Zeus Chthonios, and aspects of the analysis of Ge Chthonia, each independently reflect the persistence of the notion of the co-extensiveness of the earth and the Underworld mentioned above.

3. CONCLUSIONS

On the basis of this analysis, I conclude that chthonios occurs most frequently as an epithet of gods and daimones, and as an alternative, poetic way of denoting the dead (115 occurrences in total). The semantic range of chthonios is contained between the Earth and the Underworld, with the caveat that these two spheres are co-extensive; the Underworld and the dead are literally part of the Earth. Thus, most of the occurrences of chthonios are in one way or another related to the Underworld. In the case of deities, this conceptual (and literal) embeddedness of the Underworld in the Earth is especially clear. The deities labelled as chthonioi, however, cannot be regarded as exclusively connected to the world beyond and death, because they are first and foremost connected to the Earth. She, as a ‘bearer of fruits’ and a ‘tomb’ at the same time, lends them these overlapping characteristics; the essence of these characteristics stays the same, even though the function of the deity may vary, as we have seen in the examples discussed above, focusing on fertility, justice, or protection.

The cult context of the deities labelled as chthonian is insufficient to define their particular characteristics, at least in the current state of knowledge. It is clear, however, that combinations of these deities result in different cult features. Hermes Chthonios alone protects the deceased, but when combined with Hades/Zeus Chthonios and Ge/Chthon, he facilitates contact with the dead. When combined with Hekate Chthonia, he serves as messenger for a curse tablet and the execution of justice. The same is visible in the cult combination at the temple of Semnai Theai/Erinyes near the Areopagus, who are complemented by Ge, Plouton, and Hermes in receiving sacrifice for acquittal. Zeus Chthonios/Hades and Demeter/Ge Chthonia are connected with crops. The Chthonian Libyan heroines protect the land and oversee the harvest.

The semantic and contextual analysis of this essay has shown that the epithet chthonios should be regarded as a specification of the sphere of activity, rooted in the earth. This epithet is predominantly associated with the other world, which impacted its meaning most significantly by lending the word its own properties. This Underworld hue is particularly prominent when chthonios is applied to characterize emotions or dispositions. Chthonios as a divine epithet cannot be classified as a ‘category’ of the divine, contrary to prevailing scholarly assumptions, not only because such categories do not seem to be clear-cut, but also because chthonios eludes a single definition due to the complex conceptual nuances embedded already in its basic reference as ‘belonging to/being part of (the) earth’.

The above analysis may serve as a model for future research concerning ancient gods. It proves that a thorough semantic analysis of divine epithets and the contexts of their occurrence in literary and epigraphic sources combined with a study of archaeological material is a way forward to nuanced understanding of the concepts underlying particular divine beings within their local cult environment. Furthermore, it shows that combinations of deities provide different cult qualities in different contexts: the spheres of activity of the combined deities are reciprocal (fertility–justice), sometimes in a mirroring way (earth–underworld: fertility–death). These cult combinations need to be squarely confronted in order to avoid ad hoc categorizations which prove misleading in the long run.

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Footnotes

*

I would like to thank the audience of the ICS Ancient History seminar in London for a stimulating discussion. For comments on drafts at various stages I am grateful to Robert Parker, Scott Scullion, the volume editors, and an anonymous reviewer. All mistakes remain my own.

1

On the early history of scholarship: Schlesier 1991–92: 38–44. On the twentieth-century debate: Scullion 1994: 77–81. See also Parker 2011: 80–84; Deacy 2015: 355–59; Mackin Roberts 2020.

4

e.g.Burkert 1985: 199–203, 428; Henrichs 1991: 162.

5

Pro: Müller 1833: 180; Meuli 1946: 185–288; Nock 1944; Scullion 1994: esp. 91, 79–81 (central issues and bibliography); Ekroth 2002; contra: Fairbanks 1900: 259; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1931: 249, n. 3; Nock 1944: 141, n. 3; 164, n. 75; Rudhardt 1958; Burkert 1966: 103; Schlesier 1991–92: 50, with reply by Scullion 1994: 75–119, esp. 117–19.

6

Fairbanks 1900: 247–48; Burkert 1985: 416–50; Bremmer 1994: 15 (Zeus Meilichios); Versnel 2011: 59 (however, see p. 146); Mackin Roberts 2020: 17 (chthonios as underworld epithet, albeit without discussion).

7

See n. 9.

9

Cf. Ge [Earth] Olympia at Athens: Paus. 1.18.7; Anubis as ‘Olympian’ and ‘chthonian’: Plut. De Is. et Os. 368e–f. The passages underlying the distinction between Olympian and Chthonian modes of sacrifice gathered by Schlesier (1991–92: 44–47) do not contrast ‘Olympians’ with ‘chthonians’.

10

Isoc. 5.117.

11

Categories of deities labelled as ‘chthonians’ are indicated so far only in OCD4s.v. ‘chthonian gods’ (Parker) and BNP s.v. ‘chthonic deities/chthonische Götter’ (Schlesier), however (unsurprisingly for encyclopaedic contributions), without full discussion or systematic analysis of the meaning of this epithet and the sphere of activity of the deities in question.

12

This study is based on searches of the TLG and PHI databases for the lemma chthonios; the lower limits are Apollonius Rhodius (literary sources) and the mid-third century bce (epigraphic sources). Later authors do not provide any new meaning for chthonios, and in later epigraphy chthonios features mostly in the opening formulas of funerary inscriptions (instead of DII MANES) or magical formulas.

13

Chantraine 1968–80: s.v. χθών; cf. Beekes 2010: s.v. χθόνιος; cf. Willi 2007: 169.

14

LSJ s.v. χθόνιος.

15

Hes. Theog. 697; TGrF Eur. fr. 939 (cf. Aesch. PV 205).

16

Soph. Aj. 202; in dictionaries chthonios in this passage is glossed as ‘indigenous’ (see nn. 13 and 14). Given that Erechtheus was born from earth (Hom. Il. 2.547–48), it is possible that ‘the chthonian sons of Erechtheus’ should be understood as ‘a race which sprung from earth’; cf. Parker 1988: 193–94; on Erichthonius/Erechtheus: Sourvinou-Inwood and Parker 2011: 51–108.

17

Eur. Bacch. 538, 541. Echion (‘snake-man’) was one of the Spartoi; Gantz 1993: 468. One of the Spartoi is also named Chthonios: TGrF Aesch. fr. 488; FGrHist 3 F22, 4 F1; the female form (chthonia) occurs as a name of Erechtheus’ and the giant Alkyoneus’ daughters: FGrHist 325 F4 and 328 F186, respectively.

18

TGrF adesp. fr. 274.

19

Aesch. Sept. 522.

20

Eur. Ion 1053, cf. 989–96.

21

Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1398; snakes are thought of as children of Earth (cf. 2.1209, 4.1398): they live directly on the earth and in it. On the association between snakes, the earth, and the dead: Ogden 2013: 247–70.

22

TGrF Eur. fr. 24b; cf. Hes. Theog. 129–30.

23

[Arist.] Mund. 395a10.

24

Aesch. PV 994; Ar. Av. 1745.

25

Ar. Av. 1750. See also Eur. Hipp. 1201 (chthonian echo); the supernatural wave in vv. 1205–07 is probably another product of this seismic activity.

26

The chorus of Aristophanes’ Birds (Ar. Av. 1750–51) differentiate between thunder that brings chthonian rumbling and that which brings rain. Chthonios could be seen here as evoking the sounds connected with seismic phenomena. Ps.-Aristotle sees the source of both aerial and seismic phenomena in violent winds, whether with (aerial) or without (seismic) lightning; brontas are thunders without lightning: [Arist.] Mund. 395a13–28 (winds and thunder); 395b18–396a16 (winds and seismic activity) with Baksa 2021: 131–32. In any case, it is the perception of Aristophanes’ chorus that matters here rather than reality.

27

Eur. Hel. 1346. Allan (2008: ad loc.) sees here an allusion to the cymbals characteristic of Cybele’s cult. We may note other references to the goddess in the play: tympana in line 1347, and Cybele’s conflation with Demeter. Hardie (2004: 17) associated the ‘chthonian’ sound of bronze with a bronze gong, struck by the priest of Kore at Eleusis, which seems unlikely, given the context.

28

Soph. Aj. 202, OC 948; Eur. Hec. 79; Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1322; LSJ s.v. χθόνιος.

29

See n. 13.

30

Soph. OC 944–49. Cf. Isoc. 7.36–55.

31

See n. 22.

32

Cf. Pherec. fr 1.82 (Muller); Ov. Met. 1.38.3; Paus. 9.16.7; Σ Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.1086.

33

Dem. 23.22; [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 57.3.

34

Din. 1.9; cf. charis chthonia in Soph. OC 1752. On the Areopagus and its role: Parker 1996: 130 with nn. 33 and 34.

35

Paus. 1.28.6–7.

36

Boegehold 1995: 44. According to Beschi and Musti 1987: ad loc. p. 370-1.47-54, the sanctuary probably lacked buildings, but held numerous statues; cf. Eur. El. 1270–72. On the cult: Berti 2017: 100–05, and Sekita forthcoming.

37

Soph. OC. 39–40, 42 (Eumenides).

38

Aesch. Eum. 700–06.

39

On Soph. Aj. 202 see n. 16.

40

This statement is based on my analysis of the lemmata chthonios and autochthōn in TLG.

41

Pind. fr. 33d.6 Snell-Maehler (bottom of a pillar); TGrF Crit. 43 F2 (chasm).

42

Eur. IT 1249 (chthonian manteion); cf. 1262, 1267–68, where the goddess is named Chthon and Gaia respectively. Parker 2016: ad loc. refers the phrase to the oracle of the dead; however, nothing in the play suggests that the dead are consulted here. On the contrary, it seems that dreams could have been involved; cf. 1261–63, 1276. Thus, the oracle could equally well be labelled chthonian because Chthon presides over it. On Earth as the first owner of the Delphic oracle: Sourvinou-Inwood 1991: 217–43.

43

Eur. IT 1272, sc. Earth: see lines 1262, 1267.

44

Pind. Pyth. 4.43 (entrance), 159 (the dead), 5.101 (consciousness of the dead); Aesch. Pers. 640 (the dead); Soph. El. 1066 (voice travelling to the Underworld), OC 1726 (chthonian hestia—regardless of whether hestia is understood as ‘(last) home’ in this case or ‘an altar’, cf. Aesch. Cho. 106, βωμὸν ὣς τύμβον), 1752 (χάρις ἡ χθονία—kindness or favour of those below; for the meaning: Kelly 2009: 82–83; Jebb 1900: ad loc.); Eur. Alc. 902 (lake), Ion 1442 (the dead), TGrF Eur. fr. 912.8 (the dead); Ar. Ra. 1148 (the Underworld); Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.1290 (the Underworld; keuthmon is frequently used to denote it; cf. Hes. Theog. 158; Eur. Hipp. 732, Hec. 1). Underworld powers: Aesch. Cho. 399, 476, Ag. 89, Supp. 25 with Sommerstein 2019: ad loc.Scullion (1994: 93) thinks that ‘chthonians inhabiting their highly honoured graves’ (βαθυτίμους | χθόνιοι θήκας κατέχοντες) in the passage from Suppliants refers to heroes, which seems plausible.

45

Detailed discussion: Sekita forthcoming. This idea is conveyed most explicitly in funerary inscriptions: CEG 482 (c. fourth century bce, Attica) or CEG 490 (fourth? century bce, Attica); cf. Hom. Il. 22.482–83, and the fact that the dead are also referred to as chthonioi (see n. 44), that is ‘belonging to chthōn’.

46

Alcm. fr. 106 (PMG).

47

Suda χ 326 (Adler), s.v. χθονία.

48

Given that she produces pain, grief, forgetfulness, hunger, battles, murders, slaughters, quarrels, lies, lawlessness, and recklessness (cf. Hes. Theog. 226–30), stygerē can have both these meanings.

49

Hes. Theog. 225–26; see West 1966: ad 739.

50

Hes. Op. 11–26; on the relation of these passages: West 1966: 44; 1978: 36.

51

Hom. Il. 11.3; on teras and its magical peculiarities: Gernet 1968: 131–32.

52

Hom. Il. 18.107.

53

Heath 1985: 246–47.

54

Hom. Il. 20.65; TGrF Eur. fr. 533; cf. Hom. Il. 8.368, 9.158–59; Hom. Hymn Dem. 395).

55

See n. 47.

56

Hsch. σ 1133, s.v. σκότος (Schmidt); σ 1134, s.v. σκότος ὄσσε κάλυψε (Schmidt); ε 5685, s.v. ἔρεβος (Latte). Cf. Hom. Il. 15.191; for links between darkness, Nyx, and the Underworld: Sekita forthcoming.

57

Cf. Ferrari 2009: 129.

58

Hsch. χ 442 (Schmidt).

59

Anac. fr. 405 (PMG).

60

Anac. fr. 416 (PMG).

61

Anth. Pal. 7.439; cf. Stes. 55 (PMG); Hes. Thoeg. 767–69.

62

Hes. Sc. 131; Anth. Pal. 7.199; cf. Plut. De E 394a.

63

Cf. Bernsdorff 2020: ad Anac. fr. 416 (PMG).

64

See n. 43.

65

Because of constraints of space, I have had to deal with the individual cults in a preliminary way, and I hope to do more detailed analysis at a later point.

66

Eur. Alc. 237, Andr. 544.

67

Pherec. fr. 1.2, 8.2, 9.5–6, 11.2; Eur. Her. 615; Heracl. Pont. fr. 95.9 (Wehrli).

68

Soph. OC 1568 with Jebb 1900: ad loc.; cf. Aesch. Eum. 115.

69

Bacchyl. fr. 20A8 (Snell-Maehler).

70

Hes. Op. 465; Aesch. fr. 273a9; Soph. OC 1606; [Arist.] Mund. 401a25.

71

Aesch. fr. 273a.8; Cho. 1, 124b, 727; Eur. Alc. 743; Soph. Aj. 832, El. 111; Ar. Ra. 1126, 1138, 1145.

72

Ar. fr. 515 (PCG); Theoc. Id. 2.12; TGrF adesp. fr. 375.

73

Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.862; cf. 3.1211, 4.148.

74

Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.987.

75

Hes. Theog. 767; Eur. Phoen. 1321.

76

Hdt. 6.134.6, 7.153.7; Ar. Thesm. 101.

77

TGrF Eur. fr. 868; Eur. Hec. 78; Pl. Leg. 717a7, 828c6, 959d1.

78

Aesch. Cho. 358–59; cf. Aesch. Pers. 640.

79

Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1322.

80

Aesch. Pers. 628 (Ge, Hermes, and Hades); Aristox. fr. 13 (Wehrli); [Charond.] Proem. p. 62, l. 10 in Thesleff 1965.

81

It becomes popular later: down to the fifth century ce, it occurs 344 times within 200 texts, spread evenly across the Greek-speaking world (based on a PHI search).

82

Thessalian epitaphs: two examples from the fourth century bce: IG IX.2 710 (Larisa), SEG 51.715 (Larisa); two from the fourth–third century bce: IG IX.2 715 (Larisa); seventeen from the third century bce: SEG 34.509 (Atrax), SEG 51.678 (Atrax), SEG 47.735 (Gyrton?), SEG 43.276 (Gonnoi), IG IX.2 638, 695, 698, 708, 736, 881b (Larisa), SEG 46.649, 652 (Larisa), SEG 42.523, 622 (Larisa), 655 (Skotoussa), SEG 29.540 (Larisa), 539 (Larisa or Trikka). Sixty-five examples of Hermes Chthonios appear in Thessalian funerary inscriptions (fourth–second century ce); full catalogue: Mili and Wallensten 2021: 241–45. Macedonian funerary inscription: EKM 1, Beroia 391 (third century bce; Beroia). Links between this stele and the Thessalian ones: Kalaitzi 2016: 64–5; Mili and Wallensten 2021: 239. Athenian curse tablets: DTA 83, 91, 93, 101 (c.380 bce), 105, 106, 107 (fourth century bce); DT 52, 68, 69. ArchEph (1903) 58,5 (fourth century bce).

83

Athenian curse tablets: DTA 104 (Hellenistic), 105, 106, 107 (fourth century bce), 108; Ziebarth, Neue Verfluchungstafeln 9 (fourth century bce).

84

Funerary inscriptions: Athens: IG II2 5020, 7863 (before 317/16 bce); North Africa: SEG 24.1239. Curse tablet: SEG 40.267 (Athens, Kerameikos, c.317–307 bce).

85

‘Orphic’ gold leaf from Pherai: Bernabé OF 493A (fourth/third century bce). Dedications from Hermione: IG IV 683 (c.400 bce), 684 (c.400 bce), 692 (undated).

86

‘Orphic’ gold leaves from Thurioi: Bernabé OF 488.7 (fourth century bce), 492.8 (fourth century bce).

87

‘Orphic’ gold leaves from Thurioi: Bernabé OF 488.1, 489.1, 490.1 (fourth century bce); cf. OF 491 (Rome, mid-second or third century ce). It is unclear whether the reference is to the dead or to all the underworld powers; on deities in the ‘Orphic’ gold leaves: Bremmer 2013: 35–48.

88

IGBulg I2 398 (Apollonia Pontica, fifth/fourth century bce), LSCG 96 (Mykonos, third century bce).

89

LSCG 96 (Mykonos, third century bce).

90

See nn. 13–14, 28.

91

Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1322. Later in book 4 Orpheus prays to the Hesperides addressing them as δαίμονες, whether they wish to be called οὐρανίαι θεαί or καταχθόνιαι or νύμφαι οἰοπόλοι—cf. 4.1411–13 with Hunter 2015: ad 4.1412–14. Cf. Hunter’s suggestion (1993: 88, n. 65) that οἰοπόλοι (4.1322) can be understood as ‘guardians of μῆλα’ at 4.1413, given the ancient rationalization of the apples as sheep.

92

Ap. Rhod. Argon. 2.504, 4.1316. 4.1333 respectively.

93

In the sense that heroes were recruited from their community and their role was to protect it: Parker 2011: 116–23; cf. Hibler 1993: 199–204. For example, the story of Battos, founding hero of Kyrene in Libya, who later had his tomb in the agora: SEG 9.3; Pind. Pyth. 5.77–93 (Battos named Aristoteles); Hdt. 4.155–56 with Osborne 1996: 8–15; Malkin 1994: 170–80.

95

François 1957: 305–15.

96

Hes. Op. 119–23.

97

Callim. fr. 602 (Pfeiffer) with Hunter 2015: ad Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1309–36; Anth. Pal. 6.225; and possibly IG XII.3 1340.

98

e.g. a dedication to Plouton and ‘Nymph’ from Thessaly (SEG 55.609, Larisa?, fourth century bce), in which ‘Nymph’ should be understood as the famous maiden, Kore. A conceptual parity can also be seen between maidens (nymphs) and ‘daughters’ in the passage, if Libya could be understood as both land and mother.

99

Larson 1995: 23–24; cf. Hunter 2015: ad Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1322; on the borderline god/hero: Parker 2011: 72, 110, and 106 (on heroines receiving offerings in groups like nymphs).

100

Cf. Hunter 2015: ad Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1322.

101

Anth. Pal. 6.225; Nicaenetus’ floruit is generally placed in the second half of the third century bce: Gow and Page 1965: 417.

102

IG XII.3 1340 (285–221 bce).

103

See n. 93; Boardman 1999: 153–59.

104

See nn. 13–14.

105

See n. 28.

106

Eur. Hec. 79, cf. 49–50. Failing to give proper burial may generate divine wrath: Hom. Il. 22.358; Hom. Od. 11.73; Soph. Ant. 519; Lys. 2.7; see also Sekita 2021: 44–45.

107

TGrF Aesch. fr. 273a.7–10.

108

Eur. Alc. 743.

109

Aesch. Cho. 1. Cf. Ar. Ra. 1126, 1138, 1145.

110

Aesch. Cho. 124–27.

111

Aesch. Cho. 722–29. Hermes’ links with night: Hom. Hymn Herm. 66–145, 155–56, 282–90, 358, 578; allusions to various roles and epithets of Hermes in this passage: Garvie 1986: ad 726–29.

112

Soph. El. 110–17.

113

Soph. Aj. 831–32.

114

Aesch. Eum. 90–92.

115

The epithet psychopompos for Hermes first occurs in literature in Diodorus (1.96.6): in inscriptions it is absent. The earliest testimony of psychopompos is the epithet of Charon in Eur. Alc. 361.

116

Mili and Wallensten 2021: 229, 236. They stress strong connection to the monument itself (p. 239). Kravaritou and Stamatopoulou 2018 emphasize Hermes’ protection during the dead’s journey to the other world. A conceptual parallel occurs in later inscriptions that call the tomb a shrine (naos) of Hades and Persephone: SEG 20.394 and 395 (fourth century ce, Syria), GVI 271 (second/third century ce, Syria). Cf. Pind. Nem. 10.67.

117

Theoc. Id. 2.12–16; Ap. Rhod. 3.862, cf. 3.1211.

118

Johnston 1999: 133; Deacy 2015: 360–62.

119

See n. 73.

120

Eidinow 2007: 146–49.

121

See n. 107.

122

Aesch. Pers. 629, 650 (Aidoneus).

123

On the liturgical structure and content of the passage from Aeschylus’ Persians: Hall 1996: 152–53.

124

Hsch. χ 437, s.v. Χθόνιος Ζεύς (Schmidt). Cf. Suda χ 328 (Adler), s.v. Χθόνιος Ζεύς. Detailed discussion of Zeus Chthonios as an alternative name of Hades: Sekita forthcoming.

125

On interchangeability of these names: Willi 2007: 169–94.

126

Parker 1983: 147–51.

127

Hes. Op. 465–66.

128

LSCG 96.24–25 (Mykonos, third century bce). I think that Kotova (2007: 335) is wrong to ignore ‘for crops’ (ὑπὲ[ρ] | κα[ρ]πῶν) at the beginning of this entry and claim that the cult of Ge Chthonia on Mykonos is not connected to fertility, on the grounds that earlier in the inscription Demeter, Kore, and Zeus Bouleus receive sacrifice for crops (see n. 132). The inscription indicates in both cases that the sacrifice is ‘for crops’. The sacrifice for the triad very probably took place during the Thesmophoria, given the emphasis on the female character of the event. There is nothing surprising about several fertility festivals in one polis, and especially given that the inscription from Mykonos lists additional sacrifices prescribed after synoecism (cf. ll. 2–5).

129

Hom. Od. 11.44–47; cf. Hom. Od. 10.526–27.

130

Other black victim sacrifices (but not skinned): a black ram and sterile cow to Teiresias (Hom. Od. 11.30–33); to Ge a black ewe (Hom. Il. 3.103; I presume the white ram is for Helios); Earth-shaker (sc. Poseidon) gets black bulls (Hom. Od. 3.6).

131

Irwin 1974: 173–92.

132

LSCG 96.15–17 (Mykonos, third century bce: for crops to Demeter—a pregnant sow in litter for the first time, to Kore—a fully grown goat, to Zeus Bouleus—a piglet), Σ Luc. p. 275.23–276.28 and p. 279.24–281.3 Rabe (piglets for Thesmophoria), Paus. 2.35.5–11 (heifers for Demeter Chthonia); cf. Burkert 1983: 257; Bremmer 1994: 77; Parker 2005: 275.

133

IGBulg I2 398 (Apollonia Pontica, fifth/fourth century bce).

134

Dietrich 1973:1–12; Henrichs 1969: 31–37.

135

She should not be merged with Demeter, as Michailov suggested (non vidi: G. Mihailov, AUSof(phil) 48 (1952–53) 234–39; summary of his argument in Kotova 2007: 333). Kotova (2007: 335), however, rejected an agricultural aspect of Ge Chthonia in Apollonia Pontica in favour of an oracular character, via a connection with Delphi. Ancient sources (see Sourvinou-Inwood 1988: 215–41) describe how Ge presided over the Delphic oracle before Apollo and might have been called Chthonia there (cf. Paus. 10.5.6). In my view, there is no reason to assume that Ge’s cult travelled with Apollo’s from Delphi to be established by settlers in Apollonia Pontica: nowhere do we find an analogous situation.

136

Paus. 2.35.5–11. She is often mentioned in dedications alongside Kore and Klymenos (Hades’ name in Hermione; cf. Sekita forthcoming): GVI 1513; cf. Las. fr. 702 (PMG). Hermione was known as the ‘cheapest’ (no obol required) and ‘quickest’ (by foot) entrance to the other world: Callim. Hec. fr. 99 (Hollis); Strabo 8.6.12.

137

See n. 85.

138

On the ‘rites’: Parker and Stamatopoulou 2004: 10–13.

139

Competition: Paus. 1.14.2; Apollod. 1.5.1; cf. Perlman 2000: 161–66; mystic character: SH 676; cf. Parker and Stamatopoulou 2004: 12.

140

Paus. 3.14.5: the cult of Demeter Chthonia in Sparta either derived from Hermione or was established by Orpheus. A society of banqueters of Demeter Chthonia existed in Callatis by the end of the first century ce: Avram 1999: 312–14 (no. 40); Chthonia is supplemented in an oracular inscription from Callatis dated to the fourth century bce (no. 48, p. 343). List of these cults and sources: Mackin Roberts 2020: 146–60.

141
142

Hom. Il. 14.347, 24.532.

143

Eur. Hec. 70–71.

144

See n. 107.

145

Cf. Hes. Theog. 806 (about the waters of Styx).

146

TGrF Aesch. fr. 44; Eum. 6 with Eur. IT 1259; see also nn. 42, 107, and 122. Titans are children of Ouranos and Chthon, according to Aesch. PV 205, of Ge and Ouranos, according to Hes. Theog. 131–38, cf. 207–08; Sirens are daughters of Chthon in Eur. Hel. 168–69, of Ge and Oceanus in FGrHist 457 F6a. Funerary inscriptions show a similar pattern: CEG 490 (fourth? century bce, Attica), 543.8–9 (c.350 bce, Attica).

147

Willi 2007: 176–90.

148

Gaios: Aesch. Supp. 156–58; Anth. Pal. 7.480. Zeus Damatrios: I.Lindos 183 (200–170 bce, Lindos). For these deities and their cults: Sekita forthcoming. The dead (damatreioi): Plut. De fac. 943b.

149

Hom. Il. 3.276, 19.258; Od. 5.184; see also n. 135 and Farnell 1907: iii 1–28.

150

Ge’s oracle at Delphi: n. 135; at Athens and Aigai: Farnell 1907: iii 8. Chthon as mother of dreams: Eur. Hec. 70–1; cf. Eur. IT 1262. According to Hesiod, dreams are children of Night (Theog. 211–12), and her houses are located near those of Hades and Persephone within the earth (Theog. 758–62, 767–69).

151

See above and n. 35.

152

Hes. Theog. 183–5.

153

Kourotrophos: Hadzisteliou Price 1978: 105–20 (discussion), 190–92 (Ge and Demeter as kourotrophoi); karpophoros: IG II2 4758; Paus. 1.22.3. Demeter occurs more often as karpophoros: IG II2 4587, 4730, IV2.1 508, cf. Ar. Ran. 384, but Ge is often referred to as universal mother: Hom. Hymn Ge 1–2; Hes. Theog. 479 (nurse of Zeus); TGrF Eur. fr. 839.

154

Hermes and Hekate are said to multiply flocks: Hes. Theog. 444–46; Erinyes: Parker 2005: 418; Hades: Sekita forthcoming.

155

Aesch. Cho. 126–27, with Garvie 1986: ad loc.

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