4 Hindu religion and suicide in India

Hinduism is one of the oldest religions in the world. It is estimated that there are approximately 965 million Hindus in the world, of which, 909 million are in India.

As early as 3000 BC, suicides were generally condemned, but religious suicides were condoned. The practice of sati (self-immolation) and jauhar (mass suicide) was also prevalent among the Hindus. Suicide by self-immolation often occurs in Hindus, particularly among young women: the dowry system and arranged marriages are prevalent amongst Hindus and sometimes lead to suicides. Suicidal behaviour was higher among Hindus than that of the native population in the countries to which Hindus had migrated.

A case control study in India found that strong faith in Hinduism is a significant protective factor against suicide: odds ratio (OR) 6.83, confidence interval (CI) 2.88–19.69. Belief in karma and reincarnation probably make a Hindu more concerned that they should have a dignified death: in Hinduism it is ultimately the individual's decision as to how they live and die.

The term Hindu is a Persian and Arabic label given in ancient times to people living east of Sindu or the Indus River. It is difficult to define Hinduism or a Hindu: Hinduism is perceived as a way of life and is neither a monotheistic religion nor a unitary concept. Hinduism has no human founder or universal doctrine (Bhugra 2004). The Vedas are the original scriptures of the Hindus, and the oldest source of all wisdom about Hinduism: whoever believes in the authority of Vedas and/or worships any of the thousands of gods and goddesses can be considered a Hindu. Of the four Vedas—Rigveda, Yajur, Sama and Atharva—Rigveda is said to be the oldest (3000–1700 BC). The other three date from 2000–1100 BC. They were handed down through oral tradition and only recently written down comparatively. In the latter part of the Vedic period, the Upanishad group was formed. While Vedic writers analysed and admired nature, the Upanishidic (800–600 BC) were philosophers who turned their eyes inwards to understand ‘Man – the Unknown’ (Rao 2006).

The beliefs, morals and philosophy of a Hindu are based on the Vedas, Upanishads, and epics such as Ramayana, Mahabharatha, and other scriptures. The concepts of atman, karma and dharma, described below, are important dimensions in Hinduism. Hindus believe that all living forms have a soul or atman. Each atman is eternal; it is never created, will never perish and is characterized as unchanging truth, consciousness and bliss. The atman passes through infinite cycles of births and deaths based on its karmas, until it realizes the ultimate, and attains moksha or brahman (the ultimate reality). Karma literally means deed or act, but more broadly, describes the principle of cause and effect. Karma is a theory that states that every mental, emotional and physical act, no matter how insignificant, is projected out into the psychic mind substance and eventually returns to the individual with equal impact.

There are three categories of karma. The first is sanchita, which is the sum total of karmas yet to be resolved; secondly, there is the prarabdha karma, which is that portion of the karma being experienced in the present life. The third is kriyamana, the type of karma that one is creating in the present life. Though prarabdha and sanchita karma are experienced in the present life, they are different. Those experiences which we undergo in the present life, due to the karma of previous birth, are prarabhdha karma. The acts in our present life, which will have a bearing on our future, are called sanchita karma. Karma is often misunderstood as fate, destiny or predetermination. If one lives life righteously with good thought and deed—dharma (dharma means to live) and compassion, one can reduce the negative karma of the past and create positive karma for the future. In essence, we create our own experiences. Karma helps explain the disparities that occur in human population, such as, poverty, prosperity, happiness, misery, ability, disability, health and illness (The Himalayan Academy 2006). Reincarnation is the phenomenon through which the immortal soul is continuously born and reborn in any of the life forms until it attains moksha or truth. The atman is unchanging truth, consciousness and bliss. Just as a person casts off worn-out clothes for new ones, the embodied soul leaves worn-out bodies and enters into new ones, based on its karma, until it reaches moksha. In Hinduism, the basis of a man's search is himself. Chandogya Upanishad where sage Uddlaha answers his son Svetaketu's questions about the Creator and the origin of man with the now famous quote ‘tat tvam asi’—you are that which is God—is considered the essence of Hinduism. Dharma is the social and ethical code of behaviour.

In Hinduism, to die well one must live well. When a person dies, their soul, along with some residual consciousness, leaves the body and goes to another astral plane. The Bhagavad Gita, a form of dialogue between the warrior Arjuna and Lord Krishna in the battlefield, states that life is like a running thread, interrupted by beads of births and deaths succeeding one another like day and night. (The Bhagavad Gita is also known as the celestial song. It has 18 chapters and 700-odd verses and it is dated to around the 3rd and 4th century BC.) As death is inevitable for one who is born so birth, too, is inevitable for one who dies. Though the inevitability of death is imprinted on the Hindu mind, there is great concern about having a good death. A good death is supposed to happen when all actions are selfless, without any thought for its fruits and motivated only by the love of any God.

Death is described by several terms:

Hindus are usually cremated, but occasionally, some who are considered as enlightened are buried. In Hinduism, death is a very complex idea, encompassing visions of how the soul will be affected, how will your death affect society and finally, how will it affect future reincarnations? In the Lancet article on the Hindu view of the end of life, Firth urges that the Hindu good death provides a valuable model on how death can be approached positively and without apprehension (Firth 2005).

It is difficult to find a particular term signifying individual suicides in Hinduism, though the most often used nomenclature is ‘atmaghataka’. Thakur's 1963 book The history of suicide in India has been the source of much of the information presented here. The oral tradition indicates that suicides were prevalent even during Vedic times. Contemporary Vedic scholars are divided on the subject of whether Vedic injunctions allowed self-destruction, or if it was simply a symbolic ritual. The Upanishad categorically condemned suicide. The Isavasya Upanishad states ‘he who takes his self, reaches, after death, the sunless region covered by impenetrable darkness’. Kautilya (also known as Chanakya) was a minister to the Mauryan Emperor Chandragupta and wrote Arthashastra (250 BC), which strongly condemns those who commit, or cause to commit, suicide by means of rope, arms or poison under infatuation of love, anger or other sinful passion. According to him, they should be dragged by rope on a public road, and funeral rites should not be performed. He had also instituted Kantakasodhana, a procedure for determination of death by suicide or homicide, which was performed by commissioners who examined the bodies, ascertained the circumstances, and tried to find the cause of death. The scripture Yama smriti (6–7th century AD) suggests that if a person commits suicide, his body should be smeared with impure things: if he lives, he should be fined two hundred panas, and his friends and sons should be fined one pana each.

The writings of Dharmashastra (the Hindu book of code, conduct and ethics, 900–700 BC), make it clear that suicide, and attempted suicide, were to be condemned as great sins. However, there is a separate section, ‘Allowable suicides’, in which suicides were accepted in the following situations: a person was allowed to commit suicide to expiate sins committed by him, for example, the murder of a Brahmin or incest. Moreover, a hermit starting on the Great Journey (mahaparasthana), suffering from an incurable disease, and thus unable to perform the duties of his order, as well as old men, or one who cannot observe the rules of bodily purifications, e.g. someone who cannot control their bodily functions, or who is so ill that they are beyond medical help, is sanctioned to commit suicide. Furthermore, a housekeeper (a person living with the family) may resort to suicide if their life's work is over, if they have no desire for the pleasures of life and do not desire to live any longer. This person has to be convinced of the ephemeral nature of life, and then may kill themself by fasting in the Himalayas. Religious suicides are allowed, as is sati, a form of suicide performed by women and described below (Kane 1941).

The permitted religious suicide was mahaparasthana or the Great Journey. In this type of suicide, the person walks to the north-east towards Kailash, the abode of Siva, subsisting only on water and air, until his body sinks to rest. Even today, Hindu crematoriums are located in a north-easterly direction.

Certain places and rivers have a special significance in Hinduism. It is believed that if one ends one's life in these places, one is relieved of the cycle of births and deaths, thereby avoiding reincarnation. Ever since ancient times, Kasi or Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh, India, has been the most sacred of the places of pilgrimages. Death at Kasi was considered as the ultimate good death. Numerous pilgrims, both in good-health and ill, from all over the country, flock to Kasi. It is popularly believed that Lord Siva himself ensures the salvation of everyone who dies in Kasi, by whispering into the right ear of the dying person. Prayag, at the confluence of the three rivers—Ganga, Yamuna and the invisible Saraswathi—is another place where people choose to commit suicide. Historical examples of suicides such as those of the kings Karnadeva, Candella, Dhangadev and Chalukya Someswara at Prayag (Uttar Pradesh) and Tungabhadra (Andhra Pradesh), have reinforced the desirability of dying in these holy places. The scripture Kurma Purana asserted that ‘he who abandons life in this sacred place in some way or other does not incur the sin of suicide’: thus, suicides at Prayag were not considered as suicides. However, one is not allowed to commit suicide at Prayag after abandoning one's elderly parents, young wife or children who require support. A woman who is pregnant or who has young children or who had no permission from her husband was forbidden to take her life (Kane 1974). It was also believed that if one jumped from the sacred banyan tree (akshayavata) in Gaya in Allahabad and died, one would be reborn as a great king. Many commit suicide in this way at this location due to the belief that the Moghul Emperor Akbar (1555–1605 AD) had committed such a suicide in a past birth and was rewarded by becoming Emperor in the next birth.

At the Jagannath temple in Puri, in Orissa, the deity was taken out in the temple car, pulled by hundreds of people, once a year. People threw themselves under the wheels of the car, in the belief that by doing so, they would attain moksha, or salvation. In 1802, legislation was passed to prevent people from committing suicide in such a manner (Leenaars et al. 2001). In addition to religious and other kinds of suicides, Brahmins often resorted to suicide to avenge an injury or injustice: it was believed that their spirits would then harass or prosecute the offender.

Sati or self-immolation was a form of suicide customary among Hindu women in India. There are two types: sahamarana or sahagamana, in which the widow ascended the funeral pyre of her husband and was burnt along with the corpse, and anumarana, in which the widow decided to die after the cremation of her husband, and so prepared a funeral pyre and killed herself (Vijayakumar 2004). Theologians still argue about the ambiguity of verse X 18.7 in the Rig Veda, with regard to sati. The custom was not common in the early Vedic period, when the widow was allowed to marry her husband's brother or any near kinsman upon his death. The earliest recorded historical instance of sati in India is that of the wife of the Hindu General Keteus, who died in 316 BC while fighting Antigonas of Greece (Thakur 1963).

In third century before Christ, sati was committed out of love for the husband. It was a period when bravery was highly esteemed, and women considered sati an act of bravery and a sign of their abundant love for their husband. Originally, sati was confined to a few queens and wives of nobles, and was a rare occurrence. Gradually, those who died by sati were idolised and treated as goddesses. Temples were constructed, prayers offered and memorial stones of sati were installed. During the Vedic period, throughout which women enjoyed equal status and were involved in religious and social life, sati was practically unheard of. Gradually, the patriarchal system prevailed. Women were subservient in the domestic sphere and were excluded from social and economic activities of the community. Polygamy was also prevalent. This period witnessed the widespread practice of sati.

One can distinguish psychological, social and economic factors in relation to the increase of satis. Psychologically the widow was extremely vulnerable emotionally soon after her husband's death, particularly in a society where the wife was entirely dependent on the husband for her self-esteem. By committing sati, the woman proves to the world that she is the most chaste and virtuous of all women. Widows had no social status, were prohibited from marrying again, had to shave their heads, could only wear white or brown saris, were not allowed to wear ornaments, were not included in any social activity, and their presence in religious activity or festivity was considered a bad omen. In the poem Purananuru (2 AD), there is a verse which is attributed to Perungopendu, wife of Bhuda Pandian, before she commits sati. The verse describes the arduous, demoralizing life she has to lead as a widow (eating food from the floor, sleeping on the ground, wearing worn out clothes, etc.). Rather than lead a life like that, she compares that the burning pyre to a lotus pond.

Sati was one of few acts of bravery a woman could show, and the only time she would receive public acclaim and appreciation. She was considered a martyr, and by her selfless sacrifice was supposed to have benefited the family for three generations. People valued the blessing of a woman who was on her way to the funeral pyre highly (Bhugra 2005). Economic factors also had an impact on sati. It was widely prevalent in the state of Bengal: between 1815 and 1827 there were 5388 immolations (Roy 1987). In the rest of India, the widows, as members in a Hindu joint family, were only entitled to maintenance allowance and had no other rights over the property of the family. In Bengal, the Dayabhaga law prevailed, in which a widow was entitled to almost the same rights over joint family property as her deceased husband would have had. This law could induce the surviving members to get rid of the widow, by reminding her of the significance of her devotion and love for her husband. Unsurprisingly, sati was more prevalent in Bengal than in the rest of India (Roy 1987). In Malabar (Kerala), on the other hand, a matriarchal system prevailed. Women had economic power, status and even polyandry was accepted. There is no instance of sati in Malabar, which clearly demonstrates that both religious and socio-economic factors played a part in this practice.

Pregnant women, women with young children and women menstruating were not allowed to commit suicide. Sati was not confined to widows: there were also instances in which following a king's death, his wife (or wives), ministers, soldiers and servants were supposed to die with him. Rajaram Mohan Roy from Bengal called for a complete prohibition of polygamy and sati. Lord Bentinck, the then Governor General of India, put forth a law in December 1829, in which sati was considered a culpable homicide, and banned. Despite this abolition, there were stray incidents, and people continued to worship at the sati Devi temples.

Jauhar was a type of mass suicide prevalent among the Rajputs, and was committed by the community when faced with defeat. At the loss of a battle or the capture of a city, in order to prevent captivity and its horrors, which were considered worse than death, and to avoid intolerable shame, rape and torture, a huge pyre was built, and all the women and children jumped into it. Sometimes, an entire tribe died by jauhar. This occurred several times among the Rajputs when the Muslim rulers invaded Rajasthan. When Ala-ud-Din Khilji, the ruler from Delhi, invaded Chittore, Rajasthan in 1303 AD to capture Queen Padmini, some nineteen thousand women committed jauhar. Akbar's invasion of Marwar in 1568 also led jauhar to eight thousand women, men and children committing jauhar as a spontaneous outburst of violent reaction against the barbaric atrocities of the conquerors. With the fall of Muslim rule, there were no more invasions, and with the end of the Rajput supremacy, jauhar became extinct.

Jainism was founded by Mahavira around 600 BC. Today, the majority of the five million Jains live in India, and practise self denial and non-violence. They are vegetarians and will not even eat tubers, like potatoes and onions, because the plants are killed in the process. The monks cover their nostrils and mouth to avoid inadvertent inhalation leading to the killing of insects. In Jainism, sallekhana means facing death by starvation. According to Jainism, life should be preserved as long as possible, but in old age, if suffering from an incurable disease or during severe famine, sallekhana can be considered. Sallekhana cannot be done impulsively, but only by careful planning, and is a slow process. The ascetic or the householder should give up food and consume only liquids: they will then give up other liquids and consume only water, gradually stopping that too. During this period, the individual should eliminate fear, shame, anger, regret, grief, love, hate, prejudice, and passion and face death with equanimity of mind. Five transgressions should be avoided: wishing that death would come a little later, wishing for a faster death, fear of facing death, remembering friends and relatives at the time of death, and wishing for a reward as a result of this vow. Time should be spent reading, listening to or lecturing the scriptures, meditation and intense self-introspection (Tukol 1976). Sallekhana is sometimes observed amongst the Jain ascetics even today.

Throughout its history, Hinduism has had conflicting views on suicide, condemning general suicides on one hand, and glorifying religious suicides on the other: this is true even in present times. For a majority of Hindus, religion is all-pervading, though the individual is not preoccupied with it. Since Hinduism is a way of life, and hence can be said to be practiced every day, it has a significant impact on attitudes to suicide and suicidal behaviour. In India, suicide is often viewed as a social problem, and the emphasis has been on social factors rather than individual psychopathology. Ettzersdorfer et al. (1998) studied attitudes towards suicides among medical students in India and Austria and found that mental disorder was not considered a significant factor in India. Suicide was considered as an impulsive and unworthy act.

Over 100,000 people commit suicide in India every year. The suicide rate in India was 10.5 in 2002 (National Crime Records Bureau 2002), and the suicide rate has increased by 64 per cent from 6.4 in 1982 to 10.5 in 2002. The suicide rate among women is lower than that of men, but by a small margin when compared to the global sex ratio. The male:female ratio has been consistently low at 1.5:1. Marital status is not a significant risk factor for suicide in India (Vijayakumar et al. 2005). The majority of suicides (38 per cent) are committed by persons below the age of 30 years. Below 14 years, more girls (N = 1574) commit suicide than boys (N = 1306). Between 15 and 29 years, a more or less equal number of men and women commit suicide. Clearly, women below the age of 30 are at more risk of suicide. The status of women in Hinduism is complex and conflicting. A woman is worshipped as shakthi (shakthi means power and valour), but also considered the property of the male (father/husband/son). Hindu gods and goddesses personify Hindu religious concepts and nature. Interestingly, goddesses rather than gods are most often used to represent abstract fundamental principles such as power, strength, education and wealth as well as natural phenomena such as the mountains, rivers etc. (Pollisi 2003). Hinduism personifies divine power and strength in the form of the female figure of shakthi. With the advent of the patriarchal system, probably in 3000 BC, women became subservient. The lower status of women, the consequent lowered self-esteem in women at a young age and limited coping skills could be the explanation for suicides in young women in India. The suicide rate in women decreases after the age of 30, probably signifying that once she has children to look after, and thus attains a higher status in the family, suicidal behaviour is reduced.

Suicide by self-immolation is one of the most violent methods of committing suicide. It is highly lethal, and most of the attempts are fatal. The ratio of attempters to completers is 1:25, a reversal of that in other types of suicide (Rao et al. 1989). In India, 9.7 per cent of the suicides (N = 10655) are by self-immolation. This is the only method of suicide where women (69 per cent) outnumber men (31 per cent). In the state of Gujarat, 18.26 per cent of the suicides are by self-immolation: other states with a high percentage of suicides by self-immolation are Maharashtra (14.94 per cent), Tamil Nadu (14.91 per cent), Uttar Pradesh (14.71 per cent), Madhya Pradesh (13.22 per cent), Jharkhand (13.6 per cent) and Bihar (11.39 per cent), all states in which the Hindu religion is deeply rooted. In the states of Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Sikkim and Tripura, there were no suicides by self-immolation (National Criminal Rrecord Board 2002). All these states are in the north-east hilly region where there are many tribes and Hinduism has less of an impact. The fact that more females burn themselves than men has been well documented (Adityanyjee 1986; Bhatia and Khan 1987). Self-immolation is the preferred method of suicide for women of Indian origin even after migrating to the UK (Soni et al. 1990). I argue that the reasons for the high incidence of suicides by self-immolation among Indian women of Hindu origin can be traced to customs of the Hindu religion.

Fire plays an integral role in Hindu religion. Fire is worshipped and it sanctifies birth, marriage, and death; furthermore, Hindus are cremated after death. The two great epics in Hinduism are Ramayana and Mahabharatha. In Ramayana, Sita, the wife of Rama, is kidnapped and taken to Sri Lanka. Rama gathers an army and rescues her. On their return, Rama overhears aspersions cast on Sita's character, so she walks through fire to demonstrate her purity and support for her husband. Hence, ending one's life in purifying, sanctifying fire was ritualized and practised by Indian women.

The practice of sati and jauhar, prevalent in the medieval period, are also important factors. There were stray occurrences even after its abolition. There were about 40 cases of sati after the independence of India in 1947, of which 28 occurred in the state of Rajasthan. In September 1987, in Rajasthan, Roop Kanwar, an 18-year-old, newly married woman, immolated herself in the funeral pyre of her husband. This caused a huge furore in the country, and there were raging protests from women activists, which were countered by traditionalists: it eventually became a political issue. After her death, Roop was elevated to the status of a goddess, and within a fortnight, over seven hundred thousand people had made pilgrimage to the pyre in which she died. The incident shook the whole country. Woman activists and an alarmed public pressed the government to promulgate the Sati Prevention Act 1987. According to the Act, anyone who attempts sati will be imprisoned for a year, with or without a fine, anyone who assists in a sati, either directly or indirectly, faces death or imprisonment for life. A person who glorifies sati will be imprisoned for 7 years and has to pay a fine. The Act also empowered the state government to remove any statue/temples constructed in the last 20 years to commemorate sati, and also to seize funds and donations collected in the name of sati. Since the introduction of the Act, there have been instances of sati.

Sati remains an unusual example of a cultural form of suicide, which is tolerated and, in some cases, even encouraged (Bhugra 2005). The contemporary explanatory factor for self-immolation in Hindu women could be the easy availability and accessibility of the means to suicide. Kerosene (paraffin) is the fuel used for cooking in many homes: to commit suicide, the woman pours kerosene on herself and sets herself alight. The means are easily procured, stored at home, used daily and readily available at the moment of suicidal impulse. Both religious context and the easy accessibility are the likely reasons for the high prevalence of suicide by self-immolation among Hindu women.

Self immolation as a form of ‘fiery’ protest evolved in India in recent times, but can be traced to more ancient times. The state of Tamil Nadu is known for its political self-immolations, which began in 1965, when the Hindi language was made mandatory and the Tamils resisted it. Chinnasamy, a worker in a political party, committed suicide through self-immolation, protesting against the imposition of Hindi, and there was an outbreak of self-immolations following this. Those who died were considered martyrs.

What started as a protest among the political underclass in the 1960s turned into a ghastly expression of political loyalty in the 1980s. After the death of MGR, a famous actor who became an iconic leader of Tamil Nadu, over 100 people attempted self-immolation, and 31 died (The Hindu 2002). Successive governments and the respective political parties extol those who die as martyrs, and compensate them monetarily. In 2002, three persons committed self-immolation in the government offices in Chennai in an attempt to bring their plight to the notice of the authorities. People flocked to the Secretariat with bundles of petitions, poisons and petrol. The government started a support centre within the premises to counsel them.

In August 1990, V.P. Singh, the then Prime Minister of India, announced that his government would implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission to reserve 27 per cent of the jobs in the government for lower classes as an affirmative action to uplift the backward classes. This created uproar and unrest, especially in the student community (Vijayakumar 2004). A student from an upper class, protesting against ‘the reverse discrimination’, committed suicide through self-immolation, and this was widely publicized, after which, around 75 youths killed themselves through self-immolation around the country. The public outcry which followed was considered as one of the reasons for the fall of the government.

Suicide by fasting was considered as one of the ways for an ascetic to end his life, and sometimes fasting unto death was undertaken as an act of revenge and to inflict guilt. Brahmins used this method to secure the attention of the King to redress their grievances. In one instance, a king usurped the land of a Brahmin, who then fasted at the palace gates until he died (Thakur 1963). This practice was clearly in vogue at the time as there was special officer—the superintendent of suicides by fast (Prayopavesha adhikrita)—to deal with these matters. Gandhi went on a fast unto death on four occasions in India's struggle for independence. After independence, Potti Sriramulu fasted unto death demanding a separate state for people speaking the Telugu language. Acharya Vinoba Bhave, a great leader and reformer, fasted unto death in November 1982. Political leaders go on a fast unto death protest even today, to focus on a particular issue or redress a grievance: it has become a political tool to achieve one's objective. Moreover, suicide by drowning, at religiously revered places like Varanasi and Allahabad, is still prevalent today in India.

The caste system is pervasive, and intertwined in Hindu belief. A caste is a social class to which a person belongs at birth. There are four loosely grouped castes, in hierarchical order:

Currently, they do not correspond to the professions, and one can find all castes in any profession. There are many hundreds of castes and subcastes, which vary in different regions and communities. The importance of caste has declined, but has not disappeared altogether. It always surfaces at the time of marriage, as generally people marry within their own caste. The majority of marriages in India are arranged marriages and they have been part of the Indian culture since the fourth century. Marriage is treated as an alliance between two families rather than as a union of two people. A marriage where partners choose each other is termed as a ‘love marriage’ (Kamat's Potpourri 2006). Usually the parents, friends and family arrange the marriage. In choosing a partner, the first criterion is belonging to the same caste; then education, physical attributes, family background and economic factors are taken into consideration in finding a suitable match. It has now become less rigid in that people marry outside their subcaste, their language and province, but still within the same caste. Increasingly, the bride and groom do have a role in the decision-making process in arranged marriages, in that they can either accept or reject a marriage proposal brought forward by the family. The families do not opt for an alliance from outside their own caste. Young persons who love each other, but whose families’ disapprove of their relationship, consider suicide, either together or alone, as the prospect of marrying each other often means defying and severing ties with the family. In India, 2.81 per cent of suicides are due to love affairs or the failure of a love affair.

A major reason for parental anxiety is the inability to arrange their offspring's marriage, especially a daughter's marriage. After a particular age, the daughter also feels that she is a burden to her parents. It is also a major social stigma when a marriage, which had been arranged, has to be cancelled. Cancellation or non-settlement of marriage accounts for almost a thousand suicides a year in India. An important aspect of arranged marriages is dowry. Dowry is a continuing series of gifts, endowed before or after marriage, often by the bride's parents to the bridegroom. When dowry expectations are not met, the young bride is harassed and sometimes commits suicide by self-immolation. To curtail the dowry menace, the Indian government has enacted a law in which, if a woman dies within 7 years of marriage, the husband is considered guilty, and he is held responsible until he proves his innocence. However, there has always been a large gap between laws and reality (Tousignast et al. 1998). In the year 2002, dowry-related issues were the reason for 2.18 per cent of all suicides, 98.7 per cent of which were committed by women.

Mass suicides and suicide pacts are also common in Hindu mythology. In Ramayana, Rama's brother Lakshmana drowned in the river Sarayu. Rama, having already lost his wife and mother, also drowns himself in the river with his other brothers. This prompted the people of Ayodya (his kingdom) to commit mass suicide by drowning. In a study of 148 pacts, it was found that women outnumber men in pacts, and that pacts were primarily due to social reasons rather than individual psychopathology. It can be considered a form of protest against archaic societal and religious norms (Vijayakujmar and Thilothamma 1993). Over a thousand persons died in suicide pacts in India in the year 2002. Some important reasons cited are love failure, and pacts by sisters due to worry about the inability to provide a dowry.

During the British colonization, large communities of people from India, with Hindu faith, settled in Malaysia, Mauritius, Fiji, Trinidad Guyana, Suriname, UK, Canada and other places. Studies on suicidal behaviour from these countries reveal that the suicide rate among persons of Indian origin (particularly that of young women), was much higher than among the native population. Hutchinson et al. (1999) report that 89 per cent of the suicides in Trinidad and Tobago were by people of east-Indian origin. Maharajah (1998) suggests that religious and cultural factors contribute to increased suicidal behaviour among Hindus. In Fiji, Haynes (1987) found that high rates of suicide were closely associated with Indian descent and Hindu faith. Maniam (1988), from a study in Malaysia, found that although Indians formed only 28 per cent of the population, they constituted 89 per cent of suicides and 78 per cent of the attempted suicides, and attributed the phenomenon to the ambivalent attitude to suicide among the Hindus, caste differences and arranged marriages. Bhugra (2004) also stated that in London, the rates of attempted suicide in South Asian women were 1.5 times higher than those in white women.

All the above information can be interpreted to suggest that being a Hindu places a person at a higher risk of suicide. However, a strong faith in Hinduism acts as protective factor. The Hindu belief in karma fosters a sense of acceptance of the vicissitudes of life with equanimity, and the belief in the cycle of births and deaths renders suicide meaningless, as one's soul continues after death. Their religious beliefs make Hindus tolerate and accept hardships and calamities stoically.

In Hinduism, looking after old parents is considered a major duty of the children, especially the sons. The common type of family structure is the extended family, with the parents living with their sons and sometimes even daughters. The elderly are generally not lonely, and are taken care of. Hindu religion also states that there are four stages of life, and in the last stage (usually after 60 years), one is supposed to detach oneself from worldly pleasures, and lead a life of simplicity, prayers and meditation. This policy provides a cultural support to the elderly, to tackle the problems associated with old age, and the emotional support that living with children brings. The suicide rate for those above 60 years in India, is 9.7/100,000 (M = 12.4 and F = 7), lower than that of all age groups (above 14 years).

Whether it is individual faith that protects one against suicide or the social network associated with religion, that is, a protective factor, has been the focus of debate among suicidologists. In the Hindu religion, one does not belong to any temple. Anyone can go to any temple and pray to any God. The priests do not have social or community responsibilities, and their duties are confined to the temple. Hence, it can be surmised that in Hinduism, individual faith rather than a religious network plays a crucial role in reducing suicidality. A population-based psychological autopsy study in Chennai found significant differences in religiosity between those who committed suicide and those who live (Vijayakumar and Rajkumar 2003). Persons who committed suicide, had less belief in any God (χ² 28.0, p < 0.001), had changed their religious affiliation (p <0.03), and rarely visited places of worship (χ² 25.57, p < 0.001). The odds ratio for lack of belief in God was OR 6.83 (CI 2.88–19.69). In another case control study in Bangalore, Gururaj et al. (2004) also found that lack of religious belief was a risk factor for suicide (OR 19.18 CI 4.17–30.37).

Suicide in the Hindu religion can be conflicting and confusing. In India, attempted suicide is still a punishable offence according to the Indian Penal Code 309. The attitude is one of rejection when a suicidal behaviour is attributed to individual needs rather than family or societal needs. Religious suicides were accepted and tolerated. Sati, jauhar, sallekhana and mahaparasthana echo in present times, in the form of self-immolation of young women and fast until death protests. Hindu religious beliefs and the caste system are associated with arranged marriages and the system of dowry. Hence, marriages which are not sanctioned by the families (love marriages) and unmet dowry demands often lead to suicides by young women. These entrenched beliefs, which are culturally tolerated, are an impediment in preventing family suicides, dowry deaths and suicides due to love failures. However, a strong faith in Hindu religion is also a suicidal-counter. The ingrained belief in karma and rebirth increases the tolerance threshold, and there is greater acceptance of the vagaries of life. Externalization of traumas, failures and difficulties to karma makes it easier to cope with individual negative cognition and emotions. At the same time, hope is also extended: one can always hope for a better life or future if one leads a good life. The respect given to the elderly in the Hindu community and the Hindu philosophy of detaching oneself from the worldly pleasures as age advances, along with the fact that the majority of the elderly are taken care of by their children in Hindu families, lead to the uniquely low rates of suicide rates among the elderly. Hinduism is more a way of life than following a set of doctrines, and hence can be interpreted in many different ways. Suicide in Hinduism is interpreted according to the situation, the person and the reason for suicide. Generally suicides are condemned, but there are many instances where suicides have been celebrated. This ambiguity is reflected in contemporary India. In some situations, the Hindu religion acts as a protective factor; at other times it may increase the risk of suicide. It is important to understand these different nuances in the Hindu religion in formulating a suitable and culturally appropriate suicide prevention strategy. Ultimately, according to Hinduism, it is up to the individual to lead the life they wish to lead and to die correspondingly.