No Longer Invisible: Understanding the Psychosocial Impact of Skin Color Stratification in the Lives of African American Women

Abstract

This article examines how skin color stratification, termed “colorism,” affects the psychological well-being of African American women. Previous research has shown that the experience of colorism is pervasive within the black community and that black women have been culturally or personally affected by intraracial discrimination. This article describes a qualitative study that used focus groups to investigate the experiences of black women that were categorized according to their self-ascribed skin tone group. The findings indicated that women of different hues have distinctive experiences based on their skin tone, and that these experiences influence how they felt about themselves and interact with others. The article concludes with a discussion of practice, research, and policy implications.

Many African Americans have grown up hearing colloquial phrases like “If you're White, you're right, / If you're yellow, you're mellow, / If you're brown, stick around, / If you're Black, get back” (Parrish, as cited in Maddox & Gray, 2002, p. 1). This form of psychological abuse continues to perpetuate internalized racism and has affected the physical, psychological, emotional, educational, financial, and relational outcomes of African Americans (Hunter, 2007). According to Hunter (2007), the existing body of literature indicates that despite of the progressions realized by black people in more recent U.S. history, colorism still remains an issue of debate and significance. Hannon and DeFina (2014) posited that skin tone continues to play a role in shaping opportunities and life experiences. There are advantages to being a light-skinned black person in the United States (Hunter, 2007). Research on those advantages is not new, but with the release of a recent study from Villanova University (Hannon & DeFina, 2014), the breadth of quantitative studies that examine colorism, which is discrimination based on skin tone, continues to increase. Wilder and Cain (2011) interviewed 26 African American women between the ages of 18 and 40 years about the influence of family on acceptance of colorist ideologies. Various themes emerged from their interviews, but of particular note was the identification of maternal figures, such as grandmothers, aunts, and mothers, as the primary disseminators of skin tone biases. From these individuals, women learned to associate blackness with negativity and lightness with ideal beauty (Wilder & Cain, 2011). Wilder and Cain's findings are important for two primary reasons: (1) they offered compelling evidence of the ability of the family to socialize African American women to skin color preferences and (2) they demonstrated the basic requirement of colorist ideologies continuation. Regardless of the lightness or darkness of skin, the experience of colorism has affected the African American culture in some way. According to Hunter (2007), skin color stratification is a system that grants privileges and opportunities to those who possess lighter complexions within the African American community. Racism and historical ideologies that favor light complexions of white or Caucasian people over darker complexions has enabled skin color stratification to continually operate in today's society (Jablonski, 2012). Keith, Lincoln, Taylor, and Jackson (2010) applied a structural equation modeling technique to data from the National Survey of American Life to investigate the relationship between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among African American women between the ages of 18 and 98 years (N = 2,299). The findings suggest that lighter-skinned people of color enjoy substantial privileges that are still unattainable to darker-skinned counterparts. Mathews (2013) conducted a mixed-method study of women (N = 93), between the ages of 17 and 23, enrolled in private historically black colleges or universities. Using the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale and a semistructured interview guide, she examined the social outcomes and self-esteem of black women. The findings indicated that women's skin tone did not have a significant effect on the level of self-esteem; however, light-skinned women felt more valued in their social relationships when compared with darker-skinned women. In 2013, Maxwell investigated African American (N = 30) female adolescents, ages 12 to 16 years, and their perceptions of skin color, to understand the sociocultural factors that contribute to colorist socializations and sources of skin color messages. Findings from this qualitative study indicate that African American young women are significantly influenced by skin color preferences. A number of researchers have examined issues of colorism, but these studies, like many others, fall short of providing linkages between the economic, social, and relational variables and their psychological effects on black women. To address this void, I conducted a study to explore the social and psychological impact of skin color stratification on black women.

Gendered Colorism

It has been repeatedly stated that colorism has a stronger effect on the lives of African American women versus the lives of African American men; according to Hunter (2007) this phenomenon is called “gendered colorism.” Keith et al. (2010) have stated that “issues of racial identity, skin color, and attractiveness are central concerns for women” (p. 54). Gendered colorism can be particularly damaging among women with dark complexions, as society tends to reward those who look more Eurocentric. As skin tone is a characteristic of an African American woman's physicality, it has a crucial significance to how she regards herself. Hence, “a dark-skinned Black woman who feels herself unattractive may think that she has nothing to offer society, no matter how intelligent or inventive she is” (Keith et al., 2010, p. 48). It follows, then, that skin complexion can be more important for self-esteem than personal success (Maxwell, 2013). Hannon and DeFina (2014) expanded on this research with findings based on annual longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (N = 1,797) of 12- to 16-year-olds and the General Society Survey, a nationally representative cross-section of the U.S. adult population (N = 293), which indicated that African American women with dark complexions long to be lighter at a rate almost three times higher than African Americans wishing to be darker. Women are constantly thinking about what could be and are unable to seek out and embrace what is (Wilder & Cain, 2011). These women face the everyday clash of society's standards and their genetic makeup, “simply wishing to make it possible for woman to be both [an African] and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by [white society], without having the doors of opportunity closed roughly in their face” (Hunter, 2007, p. 250).

Mathews (2013) has reported that people with dark complexions suffer from both primary and secondary marginalization. That is, African Americans with dark skin receive adverse treatment because of their race (primary) and their skin tone (secondary) (Mathews, 2013). Personal encounters with biased treatment are also heavily implicated in African American women's lives (Wilder & Cain, 2011). The experience of being an ethnic minority woman is complex; results from the Keith et al. (2010) study show that 82 percent of African American women reported at least one lifetime episode of everyday discrimination such as being treated discourteously or called derogatory names. Wilder and Cain (2011) suggested that women are affected more because attractiveness is associated with fair skin and is more important for women in our society. Consequently, the desire to be lighter or white is a result of specific racial, social, and political conditions that privilege white Americans and consistently harm the African American woman (Mathews, 2013). Because colorism exists in the United States, light-skinned black women are perceived as more beautiful, and therefore more likely to have more social capital and thus obtain the socioeconomic benefits of marriage (Hunter, 2007). Still, the question of how colorism affects black women's psychological well-being has not been fully addressed.

Relational, Social, and Economic Issues

The empirical and theoretical research on gendered colorism support Hill-Collins's (2005) belief that the experience of dark-skinned black women at times creates a position of quadruple jeopardy: Race, class, gender, and dark skin can lead to mutually intersecting oppressions shaping the experience of dark-skinned women. Hence, it is important to identify and understand the consequences of these experiences. Scholars continue to examine the ways in which colorism influences many aspects of life, including family, social class, and educational achievement and gendered notions of colorism, physical attractiveness, and self-esteem (Mathews, 2013; Wilder & Cain, 2011). Research by Saperstein and Penner (2012) showed that from housing opportunities to employment and chances of getting married, the lighter-is-better dynamic is at play for African American women. A significant number of African American men consciously and unconsciously practice bias in relation to skin complexion (Keith et al., 2010). This form of intraracial discrimination creates relationship conflicts between men and women and further devalues positive African American female self-esteem through rejection and humiliation (Mathews, 2013). Keith et al.’s (2010) research on black females experience of racial discrimination and bias notes that “girls as young as six are twice as likely as boys to be sensitive to the social importance of skin color” (p. 51). Gordon (2008) has explained that this preference among men is likely a result of the overrepresented images in the media and the generational approval of light complexions. Treating people differently because of the lightness or darkness of their skin is not exclusive to white people. As an example, Hochschild and Weaver (2007) posited that there are real disadvantages for darker-skinned black women when it comes to their chances of getting married, to a large degree as a result of preferences on the part of black men. According to Goldsmith, Hamilton, and Darity (2007), light skin is about more than just beauty—it signals an overall better quality of life.

Based on two decades of longitudinal data (N = 12,686) and biennial interviews of male and female adolescents 14 to 22 years old, Saperstein and Penner (2012) concluded that skin color within a given race or ethnicity helps to determine socioeconomic outcomes. Specifically, the results show that skin color identified along a three-point scale of dark, medium, and light is strongly associated with level of education. The authors also posited that light-skinned black respondents were more likely to have a college degree than were medium- or dark-skinned black respondents; conversely, dark- and medium-skinned black respondents were less likely to have completed high school. The same patterns were found with regard to income: Dark-skinned black respondents reported lower average family incomes than those with lighter skin (Saperstein & Penner, 2012). According to Hannon and DeFina (2014), there is work in economics showing that the intraracial wage gap between light- and dark-skinned African Americans is real. The literature indicates that skin color stratification affects the relational, economic, educational, and social areas of the African American woman's life (Hunter, 2007). I examined how these factors affect the psychological welfare of black women.

Method

A convenience sampling technique was used to recruit participants. I distributed and posted fliers at local churches, hair salons, book clubs, and similar locations, and fliers were also distributed through the Listserv of four sororities (Zeta Phi Beta, Sigma Gamma Rho, Alpha Kappa Alpha, and Delta Sigma Theta) and social clubs (Links, National Council of Negro Women, and Jack and Jill of America) in southeast Tennessee. Prior to any data collection, permission to conduct this research was obtained from the institutional review board of the University of Tenessee, Knoxville. I conducted a 60-minute training session with experienced moderators and interviewers to review the moderator and interview guide and clarify key study questions. Focus group discussions took place in office building on the university campus. At the start of each session, I discussed the risks and benefits of participating in the study; all study participants signed informed consent forms and completed a nine-item demographic survey. Participants of similar skin tones were assigned to the same group, and individuals who identified as having dark and very dark skin tones agreed to be in the same focus group. The focus group discussions lasted one to 1.5 hours. All sessions were audio-recorded. I conducted eight focus groups (N = 67; seven to nine participants per group) prior to reaching theme saturation (at which point the researcher discontinued recruitment efforts). A semistructured interview guide containing six questions about skin stratification within the black community framed the focus group discussion: (1) What skin tone best describes you? (2) When did you discover there were advantages or disadvantages regarding your skin tone? (3) Growing up, what messages did you receive (and from whom) about skin color? (4) In what ways has skin color affected your education, employment, and success? (5) What lessons have you learned about skin color? Which lessons were most valuable or invaluable? (6) In what ways has your skin tone affected your interpersonal relationships?

All study questions were pilot tested. Specifically, participants were asked to reflect on the advantages and disadvantages, discrimination, bias, and other manifestations or experiences related to skin stratification. One of the moderators and I have light skin tones, one moderator was very dark skinned, two of the moderators were dark skinned, and two moderators had medium skin tones. Each focus group was moderated by individuals who had the same skin tone in which the participants self-selected. At the conclusion of each focus group, each participant received a $10 gift card.

Data Analysis

Audio-recordings of the focus groups were transcribed verbatim, masking names of the participants and names of individuals that were mentioned. Participants were identified by pseudonyms. The three moderators and I independently read each transcript in its entirety, manually marking distinct comments that were felt to represent discrete thoughts or themes. This same group met to adjudicate minor differences in choices of themes and where the relevant comments began and ended. Open coding of participants’ narratives was conducted. Axial coding was performed to regroup codes into overarching categories that captured participants’ psychological, social, and emotional experiences. The core categories that emerged from this analytic step resolved differences to consensus and refined the categories to illustrate themes and patterns regarding the contexts of participants’ experiences. During every step of the analysis, a constant comparative method was used (Strauss & Corbin, 1998); this involved constantly comparing data with data, data with codes, and codes with other codes, leading to a consolidated set of themes and patterns grounded in the data. The resulting comments were separated into categories with thematic labels based on the actual words used by the participants. These categories were used to develop a final taxonomy of four broad themes: (1) identity, (2) social and relational dynamics, (3) family socialization practices, and (4) socioeconomic factors that affect black womanhood and continue to sustain gendered colorism.

Results

The study population was selected from a convenience sample of black women between the ages of 18 and 72 years old in eastern Tennessee. The largest group of participants (44 percent) were single (never married), whereas 19 percent were married, 22 percent were divorced, 3 percent widowed, and 12 percent were cohabiting. Fifty-nine percent of the participants had a bachelor's degree, 16 percent had earned a master's degree, 3 percent had obtained a PhD or JD, 11 percent had an associate's degree, and the remainder had earned a high school diploma. The median age was 27 years, the annual income ranged between $9,000 and $110,000. In an attempt to increase self-efficacy and empowerment of the focus groups, the women were asked to self-identify as light, medium (brown), dark, or very dark skinned. The data indicates that there was an overrepresentation of medium-complexioned participants, with dark and light participants having roughly equal representation. Ideally, the three complexion groups would contain the same numbers of participants; however, the skin tone makeup of the participants was outside of the researcher's control. The participant breakdown by self-selected skin complexion was as follows: 55 percent (n = 37) of the women identified themselves as medium, 23 percent (n = 15) characterized themselves as light, 18 percent (n = 12) indicated their skin tone was dark, and 4 percent (n = 3) classified their skin as very dark (see Table 1).

Drawing on data collected from multiple focus groups conducted in 2014 I noted several themes and patterns that participants used to describe their experiences related to skin color stratification (see Table 2). The four themes that were identified in the data will be discussed in the following order: (1) identity, (2) social and relational dynamics, (3) family socialization practices, and (4) socioeconomic factors.

Identity

I explicitly asked respondents to list and discuss the color names they heard growing up or use on a regular basis. Unsurprisingly, the internalized narratives revealed by the women in this study support recent literature indicating that dark skin is inherently negative self-identity. The following internal scripts shared by the respondents about dark-skinned women accurately depict this mind-set. Several participants agreed that dark-skinned black women never had to authenticate their “blackness”; one participant said, “I don't think I know if there are any true advantages [to being dark skinned] other than the idea that you are truly ‘black’ and you would not have to define that yourself.” Nonetheless, the majority of the participants agreed that there were negative consequences related to being dark skinned:

I guess it's a good thing and a bad thing, but people seem to be intimidated by you; nobody is going to mess with you or anything. Not many people risk talking back to you, so that's kind of an advantage of being dark skinned.

Furthermore, the attitudes expressed about dark-skinned women reflect the polar opposite of the attitudes expressed about light-skinned women. In every focus group, women with darker skin tones were typically described as loud, suspicious, unattractive, and less intelligent. For instance, one respondent said, “I've actually heard that the darker your skin, the more militant you are supposed to be. . . . Women who are dark aren't pretty or attractive. Men don't look at dark girls.” Another participant said, “Well, I think that people seem to think that darker girls are more ‘ghetto,’ ‘hood,’ they are loud and have more attitude.”

Ever since African American women entered the United States, they have possessed an ambiguous sense of womanhood. Stereotypes such as the “sexless black mammy” and the “emasculating black matriarch” became popular characters, whereas white women exemplify beauty and social status (Hannon & DeFina, 2014). The narratives offered here—which were given by participants of all skin tones—portray dark-skinned women as intimidating, militant, ghetto, and loud. One respondent stated.

Every day [my dad] just drove it into my head that I was ugly because I had dark skin. Whenever I spoke, my family would shhhh me to lower my voice. Oftentimes [my family members] would say, “You're so ghetto, why you gotta be so loud?”

Physical beauty and stereotypical beliefs and behaviors emerged differently for individuals who believed that colorism was not an issue for those who are brown skinned. As 19-year-old Vivian pointed out.

I never felt that I had to prove that I was “black enough.” In school, I wasn't subjected to mean jokes or name calling like the redbones or dark-skinned girls. And neither the light- or dark-skinned girls were threatened by me; I was readily accepted into both their social groups.

Social and Relational Dynamics

Many of the participants indicated that their identities were fragmented when they experienced isolation from social or civic activities. One said, “I was usually the last person chosen for any group activity. When I was selected first, people would say, ‘She can help us fight.’ I was the bodyguard or more like the ‘bully’ for the group.” A light-skinned participant indicated that she was often bullied and physically attacked by dark-skinned women who seemingly engaged in the stereotypical behaviors: “I remember being attacked by dark-skinned girls; they were always aggressive and ready to fight. I was always careful about what I would say to them; more so at work when I had disagreements.” Jess considers her experience different from those of other black women because her skin tone is recognized as being in the middle (brown skin) and she was treated as such:

I didn't have issues dating, in fact, most guys tell me it's easier to date a brown girl, because we don't have as many hang-ups as a dark-skinned girl and [black guys] don't have to deal with a “bougie” [bourgeoisie] attitude from a light-skinned girl.

Family Socialization Practices

Family socialization practices play a significant role in skin color stratification. Shauna openly discussed how her family's internalized scripts about her dark skin lowered their expectations of her intelligence:

My parents never expected me to do well in school, they were shocked when they learned that I was the salutatorian. In fact, my college fund was much smaller than both my lighter-skinned siblings; truth be told, my parents didn't expect or intend for me to attend college.

Although many of the women recalled family attitudes about skin color consistent with the historical hierarchy of value that privileges whiteness, 28-year-old Stephanie remembers receiving different messages from the women in the family she was born and raised in. In an effort to undo or challenge some of the harmful messages to Stephanie about her skin color, her mother (and aunts) highlighted her interpersonal skills, intelligence, and athleticism.

Participants also shared stories of intrafamilial discrimination. Nicki quickly internalized the negativity placed on her brownness and thus developed a core belief that regulated how she viewed her outlook on life:

I am the darkest female in my family; growing up, the lighter-skinned females were always told they were pretty. I remember my uncle calling me ugly; he has dark skin too. His insults scarred me; I've worked hard to be “good enough.” For me, being teased and bullied at school was a daily occurrence.

The women in Melissa's family tried to counter messages of inferiority by assuring her that her darker skin color was an asset, rather than a shortcoming:

The women in my family taught me to be proud of my dark skin; they always told me I was beautiful. I was encouraged to be competitive and to finish college. I even pledged a sorority that is supposed to be for “light-skinned girls.” Growing up, you learn that light-skinned women will have a better chance of getting married; knowing this was emotionally painful for me.

Socioeconomic Factors

This theme is related to participants’ experience of employment discrimination. When asked to describe her own skin color, Keshia offered.

I am a redbone and proud of it. My mother is always comparing me to my sister, who could pass for white. We both applied for a job in the same agency, I had more experience and was working on a masters’ degree. Both of us were hired, I learned that she was offered a higher salary.

Many participants discussed how familial and societal views affect black women's socioeconomic status. Kory noted that there were always constant reminders about such limitations:

Television commercials, pictures in magazines, models on the runway, and successful female entertainers showcase high yellow or brown women. When I expressed an interest in drama my mom and dad reminded me that Shonda Rhimes was criticized for writing a successful television show that depicts a dark-skinned woman who is intelligent, successful, and sexually attractive as the central character. Black women [who are dark skinned] understand and learn the limitations to their economic advancement from their family and society.

The subjective belief that light-skinned women are the most beautiful, superior, and resourceful of all black women becomes the shared objective reality of many of the women interviewed. This notion that darker skin meant physical labor also implied that lighter-skinned black people were better suited for intelligent tasks, such as craftsmanship, or lighter labor (Hunter, 2007). Light-skinned women were often described in slavers’ records as gentler, kinder, more beautiful, smarter, and more delicate (in fact, the word “delicate” was the term most often used to described light-skinned enslaved women) (Hunter, 2007). Each of the women in the medium- and dark-skinned group discussed the additional advantages of light-skinned black women: social mobility, full social inclusion, and social worth. Conversely, they believed that there is a linked fate because of their dark skin, a belief that oftentimes leads to feelings of isolation and emotional vulnerability.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to better understand the effect of colorism in the lives of black women. The findings of this study suggest that colorism is a source of psychological distress for these women. Dark-skinned participants discussed feelings of helplessness when confronting limitations on social, economic, and relational opportunities they experienced based on their skin tone. The consequences of lighter-skinned women being preferred mates are similar to those that have been previously mentioned and associated with other outcomes (Wilder & Cain, 2011). Not meeting the criteria of an “ideal” partner could lead to feelings of being inept, unwanted, and inferior (Mathews, 2013). Another social effect to emerge was bullying and teasing. Participants revealed that individuals who are dark skinned disproportionately face ridicule and condemnation. Given the history of colorism among black people, the personal narratives presented reveal a critical need for more dialogue that addresses the family as a site in which colorism remains institutionalized (Jablonski, 2012). Although there are many facets to this process, the narratives in this study largely focus on the role women play as transmitters of colorism in the family. Some participants felt empowered by their family, but many others did not. The black community, specifically black women, can no longer afford to minimize the severity of skin color stratification. Participants in this study also referenced competition, teasing, and bullying; this study shed light on the extent to which skin tone preferences serve as the source for within-group strife and competition, which cause mental duress. Overall, the results suggest that it is quite common for black women to experience and recognize some form of gendered colorism. Black women are often socialized to be strong, and the burden of having to cope with sexism, racism, and colorism has a pervasive effect on their mental health, for example, depressive symptoms (Keith et al., 2010). For light-skinned women, the narratives reveal negotiations around skin color and internal conflicts around identity and belonging directly related to the history of skin color stratification. Oftentimes communities of color replicate and perpetuate privileging systems in their own communities through a social hierarchy based on skin pigmentation rather than race (Jablonski, 2012). In this study, experiences of gendered colorism had a deleterious effect on the psychosocial outcomes for the participants. It is critical to understand and acknowledge that being black, female, and dark skinned in a society that does not value these characteristics presents particular challenges. Understanding gendered colorism and the related psychological consequences may prove a useful medium to comprehend the negative experiences owing to one's race, gender, and skin tone. Previous research has supported the finding that dark-skinned black women are more likely to experience discrimination in employment, educational, and marital opportunities (Saperstein & Penner, 2012). Results from the current study provide insight regarding the psychological and social distress black women encounter based on colorism.

This study does have some limitations. First, the sample size is small, and the sampling frame was based on a specific geographical area, therefore the study results may have limited generalizability. However, despite the sample size, theme saturation was achieved. Second, the study may have selection bias. Participants who responded to e-mail recruitment or fliers may have had recent experiences of skin color stratification and may have been looking for a venue in which to express their frustrations. Even so, the nature of qualitative studies is such that the perceptions of individuals who willingly share such information are represented. Another limitation is the possibility of response bias, in that participants may not have felt comfortable expressing their true concerns in a focus group setting. Moreover, focus group participants shared information and experiences that were extremely personal and sometimes emotionally charged.

Despite some limitations, this study has several strengths. Study participants came from a variety of backgrounds, which helped to explore the context of skin color stratification from multiple perspectives. The findings substantiated and further described the experiences of colorism in the black community, the psychosocial impact, and the role of family socialization practices in sustaining this unhealthy phenomenon. As a result of their experiences, participants identified areas for future interventions that target unhealthy family socialization practices and help to ameliorate stressors associated with skin color stratification.

Conclusion

All women confront an ideology that deems middle-class, heterosexual, white femininity as the standard (Hill-Collins, 2005). When the women in this study discussed notions of darkness in their articulations of lived experiences with skin color, it was often in the context of indignity. Openly discussing the inequalities and subsequent emotional abuse that result from the colorism is the first step in eradicating it. This study supports the need for social workers to listen carefully to complaints about mistreatment based on race, sex, and skin tone and validate experiences of clients who are women of color, particularly because a black woman might minimize the effects of colorism. It will also be important to help clients generate a variety of ways to cope with the pain associated with incidents of colorism. The task for social workers working with black women lies in helping them to redefine their strength in ways that simultaneously enable them to reclaim historical sources of power and yet reject the exploitation that has often accompanied skin color stratification. Future research might focus on exploring colorism among other racial and ethnic groups. As more and more social services agencies increasingly engage communities of color, and the expectation of culturally competent practice remains at the forefront of the social work profession, we must become cognizant of the prevalence of colorism in our society.

References