Critical Insights into The Return of the Taliban book: Assessing Methodologies, Diverse Perspectives, and Analytical Rigour

Abstract

The Return of the Taliban, by Hassan Abbas, provides a detailed narrative of the Taliban’s resurgence and the political dynamics in Afghanistan. The book offers a chronological and thematic analysis, covering the Taliban’s history, ideological foundations, internal dynamics, and international interactions. It divides the Taliban’s history into three phases: Taliban 1.0 (1994–2001), Taliban (2003–18), and Taliban 3.0 (post-2018). The book critically examines the circumstances leading to the Taliban’s return to power, focusing on the USA–Taliban peace deal of February 2020 and the later fall of Kabul. The analysis extends to the governance challenges faced by the Taliban, their internal rivalries, ideological foundations, and their international relations. The book explores the Taliban’s governance philosophy and the practical difficulties they face, highlighting contradictions within their ideology. It also provides insights into the Taliban’s internal power struggles and their ideological underpinnings influenced by Deobandis. The book concludes with an analysis of the Taliban’s international relations and speculates on their prospects. Despite its comprehensive approach, the book is critiqued for several shortcomings. These include superficial coverage of certain topics, limited economic analysis, potential Western-centric biases, and an overemphasis on political and military aspects at the expense of social, cultural, and economic dimensions. Methodologically, the book relies heavily on secondary sources, leading to a potential selection bias and limiting the depth of analysis. The book’s speculative conclusions on the future of the Taliban also lack empirical support.

1. Introduction

The emergence of the Taliban in 1994, led by Mullah Mohammad Omar, marked the beginning of a significant chapter in Afghanistan’s history. Originating from the Kandahar province, the Taliban aimed to combat corruption and set up an Islamic system. Their swift rise to power culminated in a 5-year governance period from 1996 to 2001. However, the transformative events of 11 September 2001 and the later defeat of the Taliban by the USA and NATO led to the establishment of a new government through collaborative efforts in the Bonn Conference in 2001. The Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, founded on democratic principles, saw unprecedented diplomatic ties, the development of military institutions, and a commitment to societal pillars.

Over the two decades, Afghanistan experienced progress in education, healthcare, and agriculture, positively affecting millions of citizens. The international community invested significantly in modernizing the country, rescuing people from extreme poverty, and fostering familiarity with global technology. However, since 2003, the Taliban resumed conflict against peacekeeping forces and the Afghanistan government. The last 10 years of the republic saw challenges, including administrative corruption, ethnic totalitarianism, and religious extremism, posing threats to peace. Afghanistan struggled with war management, internal hostility, and organized violence, jeopardizing the hard-won peaceful atmosphere in the country.

The resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan has become one of the most significant geopolitical events of the twenty-first century, reshaping the regional dynamics and raising critical questions about the future of governance, security, and human rights in the region. The Return of the Taliban delves into the complex history, ideological foundations, and political strategies of the Taliban, providing a detailed narrative of their journey from a disbanded insurgency to a ruling power. This book aims to offer readers a comprehensive understanding of the Taliban’s multifaceted identity and its impact on Afghanistan and the broader international community.

In this review, I present a critical examination of The Return of the Taliban, focusing on its methodological approaches, analytical depth, and interpretative frameworks. While the book is commendable for its thorough documentation and insightful analysis, it is essential to explore its limitations and areas for improvement to appreciate its contributions fully. This critique will highlight the strengths of the book in providing a chronological and thematic account of the Taliban’s evolution, while also addressing potential biases and gaps in its coverage.

Through this criticism, I aim to foster a more nuanced and balanced discussion about the Taliban, emphasizing the importance of incorporating diverse perspectives, primary research, and a broader analytical scope. By doing so, I look to contribute to a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of the Taliban’s role in shaping the current and future landscape of Afghanistan.

Ultimately, The Return of the Taliban provides a comprehensive examination of the resurgence of the Taliban, tracing their evolution from a fledgling movement to a dominant force in Afghanistan politics. The book is structured to present a chronological and thematic analysis, shedding light on the internal dynamics, ideological foundations, and international interactions of the Taliban. Through its detailed narrative, the book offers critical insights into the complexities and contradictions within the Taliban, as well as their impact on Afghanistan and beyond.

2. Historical context and evolution

The book begins with an in-depth historical overview, dividing the Taliban’s history into three distinct phases: Taliban 1.0, 2.0, and 3.0. Taliban 1.0 refers to their first rise and fall from 1994 to 2001, marked by their establishment and later overthrow by the US military post-9/11. This phase highlights the group’s origins in the chaos of post-Soviet Afghanistan and their radical implementation of Sharia law. Taliban 2.0 (2003–18) describes their transformation into a formidable insurgency, regrouping and strategizing from Pakistan’s tribal areas. Finally, Taliban 3.0 encapsulates their recent re-emergence and adaptation in the face of changing Afghanistani society and international pressures.

3. The secret deal and the fall of Kabul

During the Doha negotiations between the Taliban and the US government, the Afghanistani government was not present. The Doha Agreement was written in two versions: one was made available to the media, and the other, classified as intelligence, is still secretly held by the leaders of the Taliban and the US government. This was when Ashraf Ghani insisted that the Taliban should integrate into the existing republican system, a stance the Taliban rejected. When the government was on the verge of collapse, instead of resisting the Taliban, Ashraf Ghani systematically handed over power to them and fled the country. Three months before his departure, Ashraf Ghani held a closed-door meeting in the Presidential Palace with the chiefs of the Pakistani and British armies, the details of which have not yet been shown. Additionally, shortly before that, Ashraf Ghani secretly travelled to Pakistan and met with military officials there. The book asserts that Ashraf Ghani played a role in implementing the Doha Agreement, aiming to transfer Afghanistan’s political power to the Taliban.

A critical analysis is provided on the circumstances leading to the Taliban’s return to power, particularly focusing on the USA–Taliban peace deal of February 2020. The book argues that this deal significantly empowered the Taliban, easing their strategic advance towards Kabul. The release of approximately 5,000 Taliban prisoners, including dangerous militants, boosted their morale and workforce, while the failure of intra-Afghanistani dialogues further paved the way for their ascendance (BBC, 2020). This section critically examines the role of US policies and the Afghanistani government’s weaknesses, providing a nuanced understanding of the geopolitical dynamics at play.

4. Governance challenges

Afghanistan is a nation characterized by its ethnic minorities and culturally diverse communities. However, the issue of ethnic supremacy and tribal dominance, as promoted by Pashtun political leaders, presents a significant social obstacle to nation-building. These leaders assert that Pashtuns form the majority in Afghanistan and that the nation-state should be centred around them. This notion is problematic, especially given that there has never been an exact and comprehensive census of the country’s total population, let alone a breakdown by ethnic groups.

Pashtun political leaders foster divisions among Afghanistan’s ethnic groups and encourage Pashtun tribal communities to engage in acts of usurpation, coercion, and militancy. This issue has evolved into a serious challenge and is one of the fundamental factors driving ethnic and linguistic division within the country. This crisis is a key part of governmental instability in Afghanistan. Furthermore, Pashtun political leaders sometimes deliberately obstruct opportunities for Pashtun youth in the southern and eastern regions to attend schools and universities, instead encouraging them to enrol in religious madrasas. These leaders exploit the recruitment of young people for their own political and economic gain, a critical issue that Hassan Abbas has not addressed in his analyses.

This manipulation and the resulting ethnic divisions contribute significantly to the instability and lack of cohesion in Afghanistan, underscoring the need for an inclusive and comprehensive approach to nation-building that respects and integrates all ethnic groups. Ethnic and linguistic supremacy, systematic cultural discrimination, division, the occupation of indigenous lands in the north by southern Pashtuns, and the imposition of Pashtun ethnic-cultural identity on other ethnic groups by the government were among the other factors that alienated non-Pashtuns from the government. Transitioning from insurgency to governance presents a monumental challenge for the Taliban.

The book delves into the Taliban’s governance philosophy as articulated in Abdul Hakim Haqqani’s book The Islamic Emirate and Its System. It outlines the Taliban’s vision of an Islamic state governed by Hanafi jurisprudence, emphasizing their commitment to implementing their interpretation of Sharia. However, the book also highlights the contradictions and practical difficulties in their governance model, particularly their intolerance towards minorities and other Islamic sects, revealing deep-seated insecurities and dogmatism within their ideology.

5. Internal rivalries and political dynamics

The book provides a fascinating look into the internal power struggles within the Taliban’s leadership. The rivalry between key figures like Siraj Haqqani and Mohammad Yaqoob (son of Mullah Omar and Minister of Defense) underscores the intense competition and ambition within the group. These internal dynamics are critical in understanding the stability and future trajectory of the Taliban’s rule. The leadership’s ability to navigate these rivalries while projecting a unified front to the international community is portrayed as a delicate balancing act.

This internal rivalry is not merely about personal ambitions but also reflects deeper ideological and strategic differences within the Taliban. Siraj Haqqani, with his strong ties to the Haqqani network, represents a faction that has historically kept a close relationship with Pakistani intelligence and has been implicated in some of the most brutal attacks in Afghanistan. On the other hand, Mohammad Yaqoob, the son of the Taliban’s founder Mullah Omar, carries significant symbolic weight and represents a more traditionalist faction within the movement. The book delves into how these leaders use their power bases and the support of different tribal and regional groups to combine their positions. This power struggle affects not only the Taliban’s governance style but also its approach to international diplomacy and internal security policies.

Furthermore, the narrative explores the role of external actors in these internal dynamics. Regional powers such as Pakistan, Russia, Iran, and China, each with their own strategic interests in Afghanistan, play a significant role in influencing the Taliban’s internal politics. The interplay between internal rivalries and external influences creates a complex and often volatile political landscape.

The leadership’s strategy to keep cohesion despite these rivalries involves a mix of coercion, patronage, and ideological alignment. The book highlights instances where the Taliban leadership has had to make difficult compromises to keep the factionalism in check, revealing the fragile nature of their rule. The book argues that the future stability of the Taliban’s regime hinges on their ability to manage these internal conflicts effectively. It suggests that any significant shift in the balance of power within the Taliban could have profound implications for Afghanistan’s security and its relations with the broader international community.

6. Ideological foundations and religious narratives

Originating as a revivalist movement in India, Deobandism’s transformation into a militant ideology underpins much of the Taliban’s religious and political agenda. The intellectual relationship between the Taliban and the Deobandi school of India, whose graduates lack any understanding of practical needs and social life and promote blind and absolute obedience to religious elders and mentors while opposing any form of modern thinking, can be explained through the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan, led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman. Maulana Fazlur Rehman serves as the connecting link between the Taliban and the Deobandi school, representing the Deobandi school in Pakistan. The Taliban, having mostly studied in religious schools associated with him, are profoundly influenced by him, and have consistently enjoyed his intellectual and political support. Therefore, the Taliban movement has become familiar with the Deobandi doctrine through the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan and is significantly influenced by the religious tendencies of this school (Madrassa).

The author meticulously explores the religious underpinnings of the Taliban, with a keen focus on the influence of Deobandis. The book traces the historical evolution of this ideology, highlighting its significant role in shaping the Taliban’s worldview and guiding their actions. This section offers valuable insights into understanding the motivations behind the Taliban’s policies and behaviour within a comprehensive religious and historical context.

7. International relations and future prospects

Following the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan on 15 August 2021, a new era began in the country’s history. The newly established Taliban government initially sought international recognition in its early months. However, unlike the Taliban’s earlier rule, during which Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia recognized them, no country has been willing to formally recognize the interim Taliban government to date. The international community’s hesitation stems from several key factors: the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s education and employment, the perceived lack of inclusivity in their governance approach, and uncertainties surrounding their position and actions concerning terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda.

These issues have contributed to widespread reluctance among global powers and organizations to acknowledge the legitimacy of the Taliban-led administration in Afghanistan. The Taliban’s international relations are another crucial aspect covered in the book. Their interactions with regional powers, such as Pakistan and Iran, and their strategic diplomacy with global powers like the USA, are critically analysed. The book underscores the Taliban’s need to balance their ideological commitments with pragmatic considerations in international diplomacy. The conclusion speculates on the future of the Taliban, posing critical questions about their ability to sustain governance and integrate into the global order.

8. Criticisms of The Return of the Taliban

While The Return of the Taliban offers a comprehensive and insightful analysis, there are several areas where the book could be critiqued. These criticisms pertain to its depth of analysis, potential biases, and the breadth of perspectives considered. Although the book covers a wide range of topics, some sections may lack the depth needed for a thorough understanding. For instance, the exploration of the Taliban’s impact on women’s rights and education might be too brief, given the significant implications of their policies in these areas. A more detailed examination of these social issues would enhance the reader’s understanding of the Taliban’s governance. After the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban, Afghanistani women find themselves subjected to a repressive historical paradigm, reminiscent of the severe oppression seen during the group’s first rule from 1996 to 2001. This oppressive regime was especially pervasive in key regions of our nation during that tumultuous period. In the past, Afghanistani women have consistently been subjected to the burden of entrenched gender-based violence, becoming victims of this reality. However, over the last two decades, women in this country have managed to secure a respectable position across all sectors of Afghanistan society. From ministerial levels to other responsible authorities, women have actively taken part in various domains of the country’s institutions. Furthermore, the global community has expressed its support for Afghanistani women during this period. Numerous infrastructures have been set up to empower women, reduce violence, and prevent forced marriages.

The role of the USA in the collapse of Afghanistan is notably absent from the author’s discussion. The first significant blow to Afghanistan’s republican structure came with President Joe Biden’s decision for a rapid withdrawal. The US withdrawal plan from Afghanistan was first formulated during peace negotiations between the Taliban and the US government. Prior to this, Trump’s administration had excessively favoured the Taliban, sidelining them in the Afghanistan peace process. After signing a peace agreement with the USA in February 2020, the Taliban ceased to view the Afghanistan government as a legitimate entity. The formal announcement of the US military’s withdrawal from Afghanistan under Biden’s directive in April 2021 solidified the Taliban’s confidence in the republic’s demise. For instance, Seraj Al Din Haqqani, the Taliban’s Minister of Interior, is subject to a substantial 10 million USD bounty and is under intense FBI pursuit, despite freely living in Afghanistan and having recently travelled to Saudi Arabia for Hajj.

These elements underscore a complex backdrop of covert dealings and negotiations, where the repercussions are primarily borne by the people of Afghanistan, especially women. Therefore, one critical aspect overlooked by Hasan Abbas in his book is the nature of high-ranking Taliban members’ relationships with the USA. This raises methodological questions about why Abbas chose not to delve deeply and seriously into these relationships in his Book.

The USA and other international donors have historically been major contributors to Afghanistan’s development aid. The $2.8 billion given from 2021 to 31 March 2024 underscores ongoing international efforts to support humanitarian and developmental needs despite the Taliban’s governance. However, the diversion of some aid funds to Taliban entities, as documented by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR), raises concerns about the effectiveness of aid distribution and monitoring under Taliban rule (SIGAR, 2024). International donors are navigating the dilemma of providing aid to alleviate humanitarian crises while ensuring funds do not inadvertently strengthen Taliban control or activities.

The economic challenges under Taliban rule are diverse, ranging from unemployment and poverty to inflation and currency depreciation. The absence of a stable financial system, worsened by sanctions, hampers economic recovery efforts. Strategies implemented by the Taliban to address these challenges include seeking alternative trade routes and diplomatic engagements with neighbouring countries and international stakeholders. Additionally, efforts to revive agricultural sectors and promote local industries aim to stabilize the economy amidst external pressures. The book provides a limited analysis of the economic challenges and strategies under Taliban rule. Understanding the economic conditions in Afghanistan, including the impact of sanctions, foreign aid, and internal resource management, is crucial for a holistic view of the Taliban’s governance capabilities and their impact on the Afghanistan population.

9. Potential biases

Armed forces are a fundamental pillar of governments, tasked with keeping order, defending territorial integrity, and enforcing laws without political, group, ethnic, or factional affiliations. However, in Afghanistan, the foundational bases of the armed forces were compromised by ethnic quotas akin to the political structure. Despite billions of dollars in military and training aid from the USA and its international allies, Afghanistan security forces surrendered all of Afghanistan to the Taliban without resistance. Military personnel believe that the Afghanistan government capitulated to the Taliban in a political deal.

Concurrently, reforms and rejuvenation processes within the country’s security forces, started by the President led to the retirement and dismissal of experienced officers and generals from the ranks of the armed forces. In their place, inexperienced youths were appointed, based on ethnic and group preferences that only catered to specific individuals, disregarding hierarchy, and meritocracy. Furthermore, Afghanistan’s government imported several young Western-educated Afghanistan girls and boys and placed them in high military positions such as Deputy Ministries of Defense and Interior, despite lacking military education or experience in the field. This process was also considered a factor in the collapse of the country’s military structure. Taliban infiltration into Afghanistan’s security sectors worsened the damage to the country’s armed forces. The Taliban sent their people to recruitment centres within the security forces. If these individuals were not found by investigative bodies, they would collaborate and provide information to Taliban fighters upon completion of their duties in intelligence and operational sectors.

The narrative tends to focus heavily on the political and military aspects of the Taliban’s resurgence. While these are undoubtedly important, a more balanced approach that equally addresses cultural, social, and economic dimensions would provide a richer, more nuanced understanding of the Taliban’s impact on Afghanistan society.

10. Breadth of perspectives

The religious conflicts between Sunni Muslims and Shia Muslims in Afghanistan have deep historical roots spanning several decades. Sunni-majority rulers, by virtue of their numerical superiority, have historically marginalized minorities, prevented their participation in power structures, and at times engaged in mass killings. These tensions escalated notably during the reign of Abdul Rahman Khan and continued through the Taliban era. For the first time, the rights and freedoms of religious minorities were officially recognized in the 2003 Constitution, corresponding to the year 1382 in the Afghanistan calendar.

The earlier government of Afghanistan attributed the majority of suicide and explosive attacks targeting religious, ethnic, and minority communities to the Taliban. Since the Taliban took power, ISIS has claimed responsibility for these attacks. Following their takeover of Kabul last year, the Taliban proclaimed that they had secured nationwide security and dropped all active terrorist groups in the country. However, it has become plain that terrorist organizations such as ISIS-K and Al-Qaeda have become more active and are actively pursuing their aims. According to reports from the United Nations and human rights organizations, Afghanistan’s religious, ethnic, and minority communities continue to be systematically targeted. Despite the Taliban signing an agreement with the USA in Doha, promising to ensure the security of all citizens and safeguard the rights of minorities, Afghanistan’s Shia community and Hazaras have been repeatedly subjected to suicide bombings and attacks by ISIS during the Taliban’s year-long rule.

The situation underscores ongoing challenges in achieving inclusive security and protecting vulnerable populations under Taliban governance. The discrepancy between Taliban assurances and the persistent threats faced by minority groups highlights the complexities and uncertainties of Afghanistan’s security landscape in the aftermath of political transitions and ongoing insurgent activities. The book could be strengthened by including a broader range of voices from Afghanistan society. Perspectives from women, ethnic and Sexual minorities, and rural communities, who are directly affected by the Taliban’s policies, are crucial for a comprehensive analysis. Their voices would add depth and authenticity to the discussion.

While the book does explore international relations, it might not fully capture the complexities of regional dynamics involving neighbouring countries like Iran, Pakistan, Russia, India, and China. These countries play significant roles in shaping Afghanistan’s geopolitical landscape, and a more detailed examination of their interactions with the Taliban would enhance the book’s geopolitical analysis.

11. Further criticisms

The book’s focus on internal leadership rivalries, while important, might overshadow other critical aspects of the Taliban’s functioning, such as grassroots support, ideological dissemination, and administrative practices. A more balanced analysis that includes these dimensions would provide a more comprehensive picture.

The speculative nature of the book’s conclusions on the future of the Taliban, while thought provoking, may lack the empirical basis needed for definitive predictions. Incorporating more data-driven analysis and scenario planning would strengthen these sections. The book heavily relies on secondary sources, including news articles and earlier academic works. While these sources provide valuable context and support, the lack of primary data collection—such as interviews with key stakeholders or fieldwork in Afghanistan—limits the originality and depth of the analysis. Incorporating more first-hand accounts and empirical data would strengthen the book’s claims and provide a richer, more nuanced perspective.

There appears to be a selection bias in the sources and case studies presented. The book focuses on events and perspectives that align with its central thesis, potentially overlooking contradictory evidence or alternative interpretations. A more balanced approach that includes diverse viewpoints and contradictory data would enhance the credibility and comprehensiveness of the analysis.

The book provides an extensive overview of the Taliban’s political and military strategies but offers limited analysis of the social and cultural impacts of their rule. Issues such as gender rights, education, and the daily lives of Afghanistan citizens under Taliban governance are not explored in sufficient depth. An in-depth examination of these social dimensions is crucial for a holistic understanding of the Taliban’s impact on Afghanistan society.

There is insufficient discussion of the economic conditions in Afghanistan and how they have influenced the Taliban’s rise to power. Economic instability, poverty, and the opium trade’s role are critical factors shaping the political landscape. A more detailed economic analysis would provide a comprehensive understanding of the underlying forces driving the Taliban’s resurgence.

The book’s analysis is largely framed from a Western-centric perspective, focusing on the implications for Western countries and the international community. This perspective can overshadow the local context and the perspectives of the people of Afghanistan. Incorporating more indigenous viewpoints and understanding the Taliban within the local cultural and historical context would provide a more balanced and nuanced analysis.

The book often presents the Taliban in binary terms—either as ruthless insurgents or as a monolithic entity with a unified agenda. This oversimplification overlooks the complex internal dynamics and ideological diversity within the Taliban. A more sophisticated analysis that recognizes these internal variations and the fluidity of the group’s identity would offer a deeper understanding of their strategies and motivations.

12. Implications for human rights and humanitarian practitioners in the ‘Taliban 3.0’ Era

The return of the Taliban has transformed the operational landscape for human rights and humanitarian practitioners in Afghanistan, creating unprecedented challenges for advocacy and engagement. Under Taliban 3.0, the humanitarian space has significantly diminished, with restrictions on women’s participation, freedom of expression, and access to education, posing substantial obstacles for both domestic and international organizations. The insights presented in the book The Return of the Taliban reveal relatively limited challenges and opportunities for human rights and humanitarian practitioners running under Taliban 3.0. As the Taliban tightens its grip on power, the space for promoting human rights has drastically narrowed, threatening innovative approaches to protect vulnerable populations, particularly women in Afghanistan. In this context, practitioners must prioritize initiatives that amplify the voices of Afghanistani civil society and women, while strengthening local partnerships. Campaigns that document and give first-hand accounts of human rights violations can help mobilize international support and exert pressure on the Taliban, thereby undermining their narrative of legitimacy.

Moreover, there is an urgent need for strategic advocacy targeting key international stakeholders, especially those with diplomatic ties to the Taliban. Human rights activists should advocate for a rights-based approach to aid, emphasizing the importance of women’s rights, education, and the rights of ethnic and sexual minorities, as well as health in their interventions. Collaborating with local NGOs that have a deep understanding of the cultural and political context can enhance the effectiveness of these programmes and address the unique challenges faced by Afghanistan communities.

Education efforts must also be mobilized seriously, focusing on raising awareness of ongoing humanitarian crises and the critical needs of the Afghanistan population. Initiatives using digital platforms can engage global audiences and foster a sense of solidarity and urgency about the plight of Afghanistani women. This is particularly important as the world seems to have forgotten Afghanistani women, with little effort made to acknowledge the gender apartheid they are facing. Furthermore, international NGOs must navigate the complexities of operating in a restricted environment by exploring alternative avenues for delivering aid, such as collaborating with regional networks and engaging with the Afghanistani diaspora to channel resources and support.

13. Recommendations for improvement

Future editions of the book could be improved by incorporating primary research (qualitative and quantitative) from Afghanistani government officials and civilians. This would offer first-hand insights and enhance the empirical basis of the analysis. Expanding the analytical scope to include a detailed examination of social, cultural, and economic factors would provide a more comprehensive understanding of the Taliban’s impact. This broader approach would also highlight the interconnectedness of various issues and offer a multidimensional perspective.

When an author drafts a book about a country or a specific topic, they often face significant challenges in fully justifying and explaining the subjects at hand. It is unlikely that Hassan Abbas has lived in Afghanistan, which suggests that there are numerous aspects he may have overlooked. Without living in a society and engaging in thorough, immersive research, it is improbable that one can accurately depict and discuss the intricacies and challenges of that society. This is particularly pertinent when addressing a deeply complex and challenging subject such as the Taliban, one of the world’s most notorious terrorist groups. Comprehensive understanding and analysis require first-hand experience and a nuanced grasp of the socio-cultural and political landscape, which is difficult to achieve from an outsider’s perspective. Including a wider range of perspectives, particularly those from Afghanistani scholars, activists, and ordinary citizens, would enrich the narrative and ensure a more balanced analysis. This inclusivity would also mitigate the Western-centric bias and offer a more authentic representation of the situation in Afghanistan.

Recognizing the internal diversity and ideological complexities within the Taliban would lead to a more nuanced and precise portrayal. Avoiding simplistic dichotomies, delving into the intragroup dynamics, and evolving strategies would yield a more sophisticated analysis. Exploring the varying factions, their ideological differences, and the shifting alliances within the Taliban can uncover the multifaceted nature of this group. Such an approach would not only provide a deeper understanding of the Taliban’s internal mechanisms but also offer insights into their adaptability and resilience in the face of changing socio-political landscapes.

14. Conclusion

The Return of the Taliban is a significant contribution to the study of contemporary Afghanistani politics and the Taliban’s resurgence. However, addressing the above criticisms would enhance its academic rigour and analytical depth. Incorporating primary research, such as interviews with Taliban members and Afghanistani civilians, would offer first-hand insights and strengthen the empirical basis of the analysis. Broadening the analytical scope to include social, cultural, and economic factors would offer a more comprehensive understanding of the Taliban’s impact. Diversifying perspectives by including voices from Afghanistani scholars, sexual and ethnic minorities, local leaders, activists, and ordinary citizens would enrich the narrative and mitigate the Western-centric bias. Recognizing the internal diversity and ideological complexities within the Taliban would lead to a more nuanced and exact portrayal. By avoiding simplistic dichotomies, exploring the intragroup dynamics, and evolving strategies, the book could provide a more sophisticated analysis. In conclusion, while The Return of the Taliban offers valuable insights into the Taliban’s history and political strategies, a more balanced and multidimensional approach would enhance its contribution to the field. Addressing these recommendations would provide a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of the Taliban’s role in shaping the future landscape of Afghanistan.

Conflict of Interest

None of the authors have a conflict of interest to disclose.

References

Footnotes