The Role of Religion in Domestic Violence and Abuse in UK Muslim Communities

Abstract

Existing research on the role of faith in the aftermath of domestic violence and abuse (DVA) often fails to adequately situate the role played by religion throughout the DVA trajectory. This article draws on qualitative research conducted with 10 Muslim female survivors and 9 professionals providing support in DVA cases to investigate the nature, occurrence, and impact of DVA within Muslim religious communities. This article specifically explores the role of religion at four levels; individual psycho-social-spiritual level, the level of additional stakeholders, within the context of intersectionality, and at a macro-societal level. It is argued that religion and practice of faith plays a nuanced role at each of these levels. The research found that holistic approaches to faith resulted in faith manifesting as an empowering resource for DVA survivors. Reductionist and androcentric approaches to faith however resulted in the enabling and continuation of abuse and abusive structures. Findings indicate the need for service provision to provide tailored and culturally informed support to Muslim clients, particularly in relation to faith. The web model of DVA provides a structured framework through which this can be achieved.

1. INTRODUCTION

Domestic violence and abuse (DVA) transcend all cultures regardless of belief, faith, or religion.¹ The added element of a faith or religious tradition, however, adds complexity to our understanding of the manifestations of DVA and related behaviours, with correlative implications for methods of interventions. The Domestic Abuse Act 2021 defines domestic abuse as the behaviour of a person (‘A’) towards another person (‘B’) is ‘domestic abuse’ if—(i) A and B are each aged 16 or over and are personally connected to each other, and (ii) the behaviour is abusive.² Abusive behaviours are further defined as physical or sexual abuse; violent or threatening behaviour; controlling or coercive behaviour; economic abuse; psychological, emotional, or other abuse. The recognition of such behaviours as abusive stands regardless of frequency of occurrence. It has been argued that spiritual abuse has to date been omitted from DVA discourses.³ Spiritual abuse in Muslim communities is an area that remains under development academically; however, more generally, it has been noted to include either direct or indirect use of scripture and positions of religious authority for coercive and controlling purposes.⁴

This article will focus on the role of faith within DVA in UK Muslim communities. For the purposes of consistency, the religion of Islam will be referred to as Faith, with a Muslim defined as one who professes to be a Muslim.⁵ This article is based upon ESRC-funded empirical research conducted with Muslim female DVA survivors and professionals working in the field. The research adopted a qualitative interpretative approach in order to ascertain how DVA manifested at a community level within UK Muslim communities. The central findings of the research resulted in the development of the web model of DVA,⁶ a framework for working holistically with DVA cases.⁷ The web model proposes four levels which require consideration when addressing DVA within UK Muslim communities. These are the individual psycho-social-spiritual level, stakeholders, intersectionality, and the macro-societal level. This article focuses on the role of religion within DVA across these four levels. The term survivors is used in relation to an individual who has left an abusive relationship. The term victim is adopted for those experiencing abusive relationships.

Present understanding of DVA within Muslim communities is two-fold. One approach consists of a theological emphasis on understanding the role of scripture within DVA. The second approach lies within the social sciences and focuses on the role of Faith, often within the recovery process, for survivors. This article therefore explores these two respective areas before an exposition of the development of the web model, followed by a detailed exploration of the role of Faith at the four levels of the web model of DVA. The term domestic violence and abuse is adopted here; however, synonyms within the literature are acknowledged as intimate partner violence, domestic violence, and coercive control. Whilst it is known that men can also be victims of DVA,⁸ this research was primarily focused on female victims and males who perpetrate abuse.

A. Theological Perspectives to DVA in Muslim Communities

In this article, a theological lens is offered tentatively. The study of theology itself in relation to DVA is beyond the capacity and scope of this article. What is offered instead is a review of the body of work that exists in this area and the subsequent arguments as to specific scriptural passages, the patriarchal context behind translation of scripture and their subsequent negative influence on the perceived condoning of violence against women.

In light of this, it is firstly important to acknowledge that whilst there is a theological lens to consider, lived reality demonstrates varying levels of practice of the Faith itself. Within Arab cultures, categories of traditional (strongly practising), bicultural (moderately practising), acculturated (marginally practising), assimilated (non-practising), and recommitted (strongly practising) have been put forward.⁹ These are all important considerations in framing the varied contextual understanding and application of theology across Muslim communities.

The most controversial passage from scripture attributed to DVA discussions has been chapter four, verse 34 of the Qur’an. A translation is offered by Laleh Baktiar here with the (f) denoting the female gender being specified. (In all other instances, the female is included within the male address of the Arabic Lexicon.)

Men are supporters of wives because God has given some of them an advantage over others and because they spend of their wealth. So the ones (f) who are in accord with morality are the ones (f) who are morally obligated, the ones (f) who guard the unseen of what God has kept safe. But those (f) whose resistance you fear, then admonish them (f) and abandon them (f) in their sleeping place, then go away from them (f) and if they (f) obey you, surely look not for any way against them (f); truly God is Lofty, Great.¹⁰

The controversy relates to the translated words ‘go away from them’. This translation is a departure from traditional translations where the words have been more commonly understood to mean ‘strike them’. It has been argued that patriarchal social structures within religious teachings give preferences towards translations which support the subordination of women.¹¹ In Baktiar’s translation, the justification for the use of the words ‘go away’ instead of ‘strike’ is put forward as being based upon the actions of the Prophet Muhammad.¹² In such discussions, there is an active movement away from the verb form of the Arabic word denoted as striking. Focus instead was placed upon the lived example of the Prophet Muhammad wherein violence more generally and violence against one’s spouse was intolerable. In-depth discourses relating to the tradition of interpretation within this area is beyond the scope of this article. However, such details can be ascertained from the work of Chaudhry¹³ and Isgandarova.¹⁴

Salahi¹⁵ proposed that the common translation of the verse refutes the logical sequence of the verse itself for addressing marital conflict. He further pointed towards 17 potential meanings for the contentious word. Lending support to this are the guidelines in relation to pursuing divorce outlined in chapter 65 of the Qur’an. In respect of this Abugidieri¹⁶ elucidates upon the extensive prohibition against abuse and oppression within the Qur’an. Dominant translations using the word ‘strike’ have however continued to prevail for the masses, leaving room for the perceived condoning of violence. The lack of DVA knowledge within the majority of the population including religious leaders has been proposed as contributing to this proliferation.¹⁷ This has unsurprisingly led to numerous theological and academic discourses.¹⁸ The feminist line of inquiry brings to the forefront the patriarchal nature of past societies and the resulting androcentric influence on subsequent translations, all of which were carried out by male authors.¹⁹ ‘Strike’ is therefore considered as being interpreted within a historically and linguistically patriarchal context. Feminist readings of Islamic law outline the emergence of a new gender discourse concerning equality that is governed within an Islamic framework.²⁰ Further to androcentric discourses, this line of reading stresses the difference between fiqhi rulings and shari’ah rulings. Shari’ah rulings are stipulated as the sacred elements of the Islamic legal tradition which cannot be contested.²¹ Fiqhi rulings are proposed as those formulated by humans based on contextual factors and thereby open to interpretation and development over time. Within this a necessity to challenge patriarchal interpretations at the level of fiqhi interpretations is asserted.²² A call to revive the transcendental ideal that is stipulated within the Islamic tradition is called upon, one that is cognizant of the spiritual and moral framework in its holistic form. What is agreed upon, however, is that the verse in question relates to conflict resolution within a marital dispute. Yet DVA cannot be considered as falling under the spectrum of marital disputes. Furthermore, violence, even if sanctioned using existing translations negates the underlying foundational higher objectives of the Faith tradition itself. These have been identified as protection of faith, life, property, intellect, and lineage,²³ and can be summarized as the promotion of benefit for all and the prevention of harm for all. Alongside this, a proposed Qur’anic ethical framework stipulates the fundamental ethics required within marriages in the Islamic tradition.²⁴ Three levels are identified within this as human and family relations, marriage as a solemn bond, and three ethical pillars which sustain such a bond (embodying tranquility, affection, and compassion). Central to this framework are the concepts of each individual being responsible for the upholding of moral compass, unconditional recognition of equality of worth of both parties and the bond of marriage as one that prioritizes an active commitment to mutual well-being and care. Given these underlying Faith-informed principles, this contradiction in the use of the word ‘strike’ requires further challenge. Placed alongside the Qur’anic ethical framework for marriage, the notion of any form of violence or harmful conduct being sanctified within a marital context becomes untenable. Consequently, the relevance of this verse in DVA discourses requires further deliberation in light of the consensus that the verse relates to specific non-DVA circumstances. The very essence of DVA is the intent to harm and the continuity of harm, which accompanies that. Marital conflict resolution would contradict itself if the underlying intent was to deliberately harm.

Faith teachings, however, can and have been used as a tool in the DVA process. Four such teaching ‘concepts’ have been identified as preventing women from reporting the abuse and/or leaving the abusive relationship.²⁵ These include justifications for DVA using the Faith, victim blaming, reiteration of the religious need to exercise patience and finally, forgiveness towards those who perpetrate abuse. Victims were made to feel that to uphold such principles were the markers of a good Muslim wife. Central to this was the notion of not breaking up the family unit. Subsequently, blame and responsibility is placed upon the victim, with little accountability from the individual perpetrating abuse and causing the primary discord within the family. Within my own practitioner work, the use of chapter four, verse 34 of the Qur’an to justify DVA behaviours was not apparent. What was evident, however, was a conflation of ethnic cultural norms, particularly in relation to patriarchal gender role expectations. This will be explored further within the remainder of this article.

As a final point for consideration, the significant role of religious authority and the influence this has on DVA situations has been highlighted.²⁶ Imams, shari’ah councils (Muslim family advisory bodies), and mosques are recognized as holding a critical position in relation to matrimonial issues.²⁷ When mediation or conflict resolution fails at the level of the family, individuals often default to those with religious authority. The advice and guidance provided by these authorities is considered integral to the maintenance of Faith identity. The role of Shari’ah councils therefore must be given due consideration. Shari’ah councils have been identified as being both problematic in their treatment of female clients in particular,²⁸ whilst at the same time providing a vital service in meeting the religious needs of female clients which cannot be met through civil processes.²⁹ Al-Astewani³⁰ proposes that the shortcomings in the provision of Shari’ah councils as an alternative form of dispute resolution might be counteracted through the use of Muslim Arbitration Tribunals (MAT). The advantage of a MAT over a Shari’ah council includes the provision of scholars who are qualified in English law and religious law, all caseworkers being British thereby allowing for contextual understanding, and finally adequate female representation at all stages of tribunals. Whilst MATs afford better treatment to female clients in particular, care would still need to be exerted given that it is known that Family courts are often used as a means of continuation of DVA behaviours.³¹ Ensuring this is not enabled across MATs therefore becomes critical.

B. Faith and DVA within the Social Sciences

The concept of Islam being embedded within the everyday has been identified as a psycho-social model of resilience.³² Ter Haar posits the need to recognize religion as a resource within secular approaches and by implication, the necessity of developing policies through utilization of the resources inherent within communities.³³ From a psychological perspective, there is a growing body of work highlighting the need for supportive interventions for Muslim communities to be grounded within an Islamic cosmological framework in recognition of the protective elements integral to it.³⁴ A prerequisite to this is the conception of the human within Islamic theology and thereby Islamic epistemologies.³⁵

Qualitative research conducted with Black Muslim women in the USA identified that Faith played a supportive role within their recovery.³⁶ These included utilization of the Faith as a coping mechanism for DVA, help-seeking behaviours being rooted in obtaining support from religious leaders, use of scripture in relation to theological meaning making and development of deeper coping strategies, and spiritual cleansing through prayer and conversing with God in addition to physical cleansing. Finally, was actively engaging with the notion of a greater purpose in life. In line with the findings of Chowdhury and Winder,³⁷ the dual role of such support was highlighted. In some cases, the support facilitated positive contributions to coping with and addressing DVA. However, in other cases, when community members such as peers were involved, this at times had a detrimental impact on the DVA victim and furthermore, facilitated the continuation of the abuse. Examples included being told to exercise religious patience and stay in the relationship despite evidence of clear harm. At an individual level, both Oyewuwo³⁸ and Chowdhury and Winder highlight victims grappling with spiritual dilemmas surrounding exposing the faults of others and the internalized guilt felt in relation to this. Whilst deliberately exposing the personal faults of others would normally be frowned upon within a theological framework, the concept of covering harm done to others and thereby enabling further harm, presents an alternate theological situation. Given the overriding principle of causing no harm within the Islamic Faith,³⁹ such messages became misleading and exacerbated the trauma experienced through victim blaming. It has been argued that victim silencing occurs through social and structural failures, which leave victims socially trapped within abusive relationships.⁴⁰ When such silencing was coupled with the Faith, it created Faith-based conflict for victims.

The underlying theme of Faith being utilized as a resource which survivors could draw upon has been ascertained across numerous studies.⁴¹ This has spanned across the recovery process,⁴² as well as through the utilization of Faith-based resources such as scripture and hadeeth⁴³ and individuals holding positions of religious authority.⁴⁴ The need for Faith-informed supportive programmes which assist the recovery process have further been identified,⁴⁵ as has the desire for Faith-informed mental health and therapeutic support.⁴⁶ The potential for Faith-informed interventions to contribute towards radical change for both individuals and communities alike was alluded to. Within their model of the soul, Rothman and Coyle (2018) expounded upon the role of spiritual well-being as central to Muslim identity. It has been argued that balance can only be attained through holistic approaches to well-being, which by default require consideration of the spiritual nature of Muslim identity.⁴⁷ The underlying implication was the necessity for exploring DVA within a holistic framework for Muslim communities, inclusive of faith identities. Furthermore, research indicates barriers to seeking help exist in families, social networks, at the individual level and in relation to the provision of services.⁴⁸ This becomes all the more significant given the close network of connections evident within Muslim communities.

Related to this discussion, the literature demonstrates a pertinent issue surrounding the conflation of Faith tenets with ethnic cultural normative practices. The difficulty in distinguishing between ethnic cultural norms and Faith-based teachings have been found to result in the assumption that some harmful cultural norms have a legitimate basis within the Faith.⁴⁹ In patriarchal societies, where women were viewed as being under the ownership of their male relatives, this has been found to lead to various forms of abuse.⁵⁰ DVA contributing cultural expectations surrounding the role of women have been found within both Arab and South Asian cultures.⁵¹ Such expectations have been linked to increased barriers in addressing DVA, the resulting social isolation and thereby potentially more than one person perpetrating abusive behaviours against the same victim. This concept has been labelled as multiple perpetrator domestic violence (MDV).⁵² Whilst MDV has been linked to minority communities by virtue of lower socio-economic demography combined with state marginalization and traditional gender role expectations, the structure of close-knit communities also requires consideration within this.

Following their international study of violence against women and girls from Christian and Muslim backgrounds, Le Roux and Pertek make a series of recommendations as outlined below.⁵³

1. Utilise religious resources and actors.

2. Encompass the potential within religious experience.

3. Accommodate agency of religious female survivors.

4. Consider role of religion for those who perpetrate abuse.

5. Give precedence to religious literacy.

6. Develop hybrid and pragmatic approaches to working with religion.

7. Promote increased collaborations between the secular and religious.

Project dldl further endorses the significant role of clergy within Faith communities in an international context.⁵⁴ The critical role of Faith within addressing DVA is therefore apparent. It further affirms the potential of Faith identity embedded in Islamic epistemological frameworks⁵⁵ to act as a form of a psycho-social model of resilience.⁵⁶ This research builds upon previous research and further explores the applicability of the recommendations outlined above through the web model of DVA.⁵⁷ The role and practice of Faith in DVA within UK Muslim communities is explored across the four corresponding levels present within the web model of DVA. These levels pertain to the individual psycho-social-spiritual level, the level of stakeholders, intersectionality and finally the macro level. This research is situated within the psychology discipline.

2. METHODOLOGY

It has been argued that in order to accurately understand communities, knowledge generation must commence from their points of reference.⁵⁸ For Muslim communities in particular, the need to understand the self within culturally relevant epistemological frameworks rather than exclusive secular paradigms has been advocated.⁵⁹ This research utilizes a qualitative approach, whereby interpretative phenomenological analysis is supported by verbatim quotations from participants. All identifying details have been removed. Within qualitative research, the goal of phenomenology has been identified as reaching the essence of lived experience.⁶⁰ This is described as being increasingly imperative for minority communities in order to gain an accurate reflection of that lived experience.⁶¹

A. Participants

Two studies were conducted. Study one involved 10 Muslim female survivors of DVA and study two involved nine professionals working in a supportive capacity with DVA survivors, their families and those perpetrating abuse. Participant recruitment was carried out via convenient and snowballing sampling techniques, whereby multiple community contacts and DVA organizations were sent information about the research and asked to disseminate this further to their contacts. Smaller sample sizes within qualitative research have been argued as providing opportunities for deeper exploration of the data.⁶² Purposive sampling allows for the representation of small groups for whom the research question is applicable and relevant.⁶³ Within this research, the samples were those who had direct experience of DVA or were directly involved in the care of DVA cases. These contrasting perspectives on the same issue facilitated richness within the data, whilst maintaining direct relevance to the research question.

Demographics of the participants can be viewed in Table 1.

B. Data Collection

Semi-structured interviews were conducted for both studies. Semi-structured interviews enable the provision of prompts by the researcher followed by space in which the participant can consider and contribute their experiences and expertise.⁶⁴ Interview schedules were developed in relation to the research question and further informed through existing literature. Questions for the survivors’ cohort focused on a brief overview of the DVA experience without going into detail of specific incidents, family reactions and attitudes to the DVA and victim, community reactions and attitudes to the DVA and victim, and what changes survivors felt were required at a community level. Questions for the professionals’ cohort encompassed DVA manifestations within Muslim communities, how these formed and their subsequent impacts, the role of faith and cultural norms observed within their professional practice, and suggestions professionals felt would support creating positive change at a community level.

Interviews were conducted both face-to-face and remotely online or via telephone. Remote interviews are known to broaden the research to a wider population base through increased accessibility. This is particularly important for sensitive topics or where individuals may not wish to speak in person.⁶⁵ Interviews are known to facilitate a natural flow of conversation and spontaneity, supporting a more accurate reflection of the participant expertise.⁶⁶ Informed consent was gained prior to all interviews commencing. Ethical approval was gained from Brunel University London Research Ethics Committee (reference 12519-MHR-Nov/2018-14813-2).

C. Analysis

Interviews were transcribed verbatim with all identifying details removed. An interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) approach was adopted in analysing the data within each study. IPA involves a double layer of hermeneutics whereby the researcher adds a layer of interpretative meaning upon the lived experience shared by the participant.⁶⁷ Findings from this for the individual studies will be made available in future outputs. Thereafter a multi-perspective IPA (MP-IPA) approach was adopted across both studies, allowing for the exploration of interconnections and trajectories of meaning across the two studies.⁶⁸ In gathering a number of perspectives, both the individual phenomenology and the related systems psychology are explored.⁶⁹ MP-IPA approaches thereby facilitate both an interpretative and critical lens to the data, for a more nuanced understanding. The combining of research paradigms is deemed to add authenticity, with potential to better reflect the research question.⁷⁰ Following on from the MP-IPA approach, the web model of DVA was developed (see note 54). Within this, DVA was understood to have manifestations and influencing factors at four levels. These included the individual psycho-social-spiritual level, the level of stakeholders, intersectionality and the macro level. Across the web model of DVA, numerous themes emerged over these four levels. One such line of inquiry related to the role of Faith within DVA is explored in this article.

Utilization of an insider positioning within this research to elicit understanding, whilst ensuring the participant frames of reference formed the baseline (refer note 11) were upheld. The process of phenomenology facilitates the understanding of shared commonalities across the lived reality for numerous individuals.⁷¹ This approach presupposes the participant as the expert.⁷² Within this, consideration was given to potential insider bias through vigilant reflective practice of data collection, analysis, and subsequent outputs.⁷³

3. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Within all four levels of the web model of DVA Faith played a dual parallel role. A holistic approach to Faith at each of the levels resulted in Faith being utilized as a positive resource in addressing and navigating a way out of DVA. Holistic is defined as approaching the Faith in its entirety, devoid of binary approaches which often take a literal approach towards scripture. A reductionist and androcentric approach to Faith however led to creating spaces within which abuse could firstly occur, and secondly proliferate. Reductionism took place in the form of condensing the Faith down to a set of binary rules and regulations. Androcentric approaches saw males given preference within social structures in ways which were not always in line with Faith principles. The nuances in relation to the role of Faith within DVA in UK Muslim communities is explored below for each of the four levels of the web model of DVA.

A. Role of Faith at the Individual Psycho-Social-Spiritual Level

At the individual level, a holistic understanding and approach towards Faith became empowering to the individual experiencing DVA. When this was lacking, participants expressed the resulting negative consequences it had on shaping the DVA experience.

Extract 1

It was a misunderstood element of my own lack of knowledge and understanding of the deen (Islam as a way of life), that’s what it boils down to. The more, I, I now associate myself with educated Muslims, practicing Muslims, I realized subhan’Allah (Glory be to God) how Merciful Allah is, how easy the path of Islam is actually, we complicated it and that’s my shortcoming, it’s not the Faith. (Survivor 6)

Survivor 6 spoke about her own lack of knowledge in relation to Faith, which she felt led to added levels of difficulties and complications within the DVA experience. Gaining a deeper understanding of Faith and related tenets facilitated empowerment and religious autonomy. Similar observations have been put forward in relation to US Muslims whereby advocates raising DVA awareness utilized Faith-based resources as a positive tool in addressing DVA.⁷⁴ The importance of positive social connections within this was indicated as being significant. Balanced and informed voices within psychotherapeutic support have been raised as a critical element in supporting Muslim female survivors in making sense of their DVA experience, in line with their Faith tradition.⁷⁵

Extract 2

I was getting my comfort from the Qur’an, again because I started to read erm the chapter on Women and the chapter on Divorce, and that actually was again you know what helped me to, to even come to a decision, because actually culturally I was being told I was breaking up the family…that’s what I was being told culturally, you know if I walked away it was all my fault, but when I was reading the Qur’an it was telling me that you know it’s not ok to be abused. (Survivor 10)

Survivor 10 expanded on this, explaining that for her, going back to the sacred text of the Qur’an itself was what granted her freedom. Within this she was able to identify affirmations of abuse in all forms being wrong and unacceptable within a theological framework. This was in direct contrast to ethnic culturally informed messages she was receiving from family networks. A divergence between lived experience of the Faith and theological text was evident. Similar experiences have been reported by victims of sexual and/or spiritual abuse carried out by those holding positions of religious authority,⁷⁶ underlying the common factor of returning to Faith in its holistic sense, despite the trauma of abuse.

Extract 3

Very important, I think it (Islamic resources) meant a lot to me and I think actually (.) it was probably the one (.) consistent and strong thing that kept me going through the whole thing…because without that everything else was just (.) changing and shifting and the goal posts were always moving. (Survivor 2)

The importance of Faith resources in providing a stable framework from which victims and survivors could make sense of their experience was highlighted within the data. Survivor 2 explained that the very nature of DVA implied uncertainty and volatility. With goalposts continuously shifting, it became difficult for victims to make sense of the world they were enclosed within. Faith-based resources, however, became a stronghold that provided a stable direction out of the abuse, even if it took a while to get free of the abuse. Having sound resources allowed victims to see a way forward and to know that there was a way out, even if they were unable to access it immediately.

At the individual level, Faith became a hidden power that victims drew upon to get through the darkness of abuse. It further provided hope for the future, allowing individuals to know that abuse was not endorsed by the Faith and therefore they did not have to continue to live in this manner. Therefore, at the individual psycho-social-spiritual level, Faith was viewed as being positive and empowering. It facilitated the opportunity for victims to re-claim their religious rights of living a life free of abuse, with limited scope for this to be challenged. This however was conditional upon having access to and adopting a holistic understanding and approach to Faith.

B. Role of Faith at the Stakeholder Level

The findings clearly identified the active involvement of key additional individuals, referred to as stakeholders, in how DVA was experienced (see note 6). Faith became further intertwined within the DVA experience through such participation. Stakeholder categories identified within this research included the spouse, the immediate family of the victim and spouse, the extended family of the victim and spouse, and community leaders. The importance of individualizing stakeholder groups to each victim has been advocated⁷⁷; therefore, these categories are not considered exhaustive. Such stakeholders could potentially act in a beneficial and protective capacity for the victim, or in some cases could be detrimental to victims. Stakeholder groups who presented a negative impact on the DVA experience often did so due to a reductionist approach to Faith. This is exemplified in the following extract by survivor 9.

Extract 4

There was a huge like double standard, like ‘you’re married now, my family is your family, your family don’t matter anymore, your priority is with your husband and his family’, and I just saw that as so unfair and that’s not even from the teachings of Islam, like I know that’s not from the teachings of Islam. (Survivor 9)

Survivor 9 conveyed her acute awareness regarding the expectations being superimposed onto her. Whilst such expectations were portrayed as falling under the banner of her Faith tradition, she knew and understood them to be contrary to Faith teachings. However, such expectations were forced upon her, allowing for the creation of environments within which abusive practices could be upheld and coercive control could thrive. Critical within this was the divergence away from Faith principles, with preference given to ethnic cultural normative practices and androcentric gender role expectations. Such expectations are not uncommon within Muslim communities.⁷⁸ This was expressed as being imposed upon victims and thereby exacerbating the DVA experience. Implied within this was the idea of victims having their voices suppressed and their autonomy removed. This was further substantiated by professionals.

Extract 5

So I've come across a few where they have this idea that the, once you’ve got married you’re a daughter-in-law and so you're no longer part of the other, your family, and so you need to seek permission in order to go and visit them and you're not supposed to visit them very much. Erm, and yet their daughter, will be in and out all the time, of the family home, her home. And it’s, there's a lot of you know contradiction and double standards in the treatments. (Professional 1)

The ‘double standards’ in how daughter-in-laws were treated in comparison to daughters were raised. The implication was that marriage brought with it a set of unspoken expectations that were socially enforced through cultural customs and normative behaviours. Implied within this, was the presence of such norms contributing directly to DVA behaviours and the resulting pressures faced by DVA victims. Ironically, the same was not imposed on daughters, yet those daughters faced the possibility of having the very same expectations imposed upon them after marriage by another family. In contrast, Extract 6 demonstrates the potential power held within stakeholder voices.

Extract 6

So initially he’d (Imam) asked a few questions and then he said ‘if you’re unhappy then you don’t have to stay in the marriage at all, Islam does not, you know Islam does not say you need to stay in this marriage and erm, you know there are shari’ah councils (family advisory bodies) that will help you, there are people here that will help you to, to dissolve the marriage and you don’t have to stay with him’, and that gave me a lot of hope. (Survivor 2)

Survivor 2 spoke about how in consulting an Imam, he was able to advise her on her religious rights. This provided a level of religious validation that could not be sourced elsewhere. Therefore, the role of those with religious authority became imperative. It has been observed that Muslims will default to those with religious authority in family-related matters.⁷⁹ This may in part be related to the manner in which marriage ceremonies are conducted. Religious-only ceremonies necessitate intervention via religious legal recourse.⁸⁰ However, the significant desire to abide by theological boundaries was also evident. With Faith identity being central, having personal decisions grounded in a Faith framework gave a level of validity, which became difficult for other stakeholders to argue with. This was in contrast to advice by other Faith leaders where victims were told they needed to exercise patience and thereby remain in that relationship, despite this potentially putting their lives at risk. Such advice by those with religious authority, holding such positions of power, became detrimental. The data indicated that these individuals were often ill-informed in relation to DVA dynamics and furthermore, had a culturally informed approach to Faith, whether rooted in harmful social customs or ethnic normative behaviours. Either way, these contradicted holistic approaches to Faith tenets that were removed from androcentric approaches.

Extract 7

And he (family member) said, ‘you need to think very carefully’, he said ‘you’ve got a child, you know you have to think about what you want for your life and whether this is what you want for your life’ and he said ‘no one member of my family would hold it against you, we all know what he’s like and none of us would think ill of you if you ended the relationship, and I just want to put that out, out there’. (Survivor 4)

Evidence of a range of stakeholder categories was apparent, with some of these categories not necessarily confined to the social connections of just the victim. Survivor 4 spoke about the family of her abusive spouse having a private supportive conversation with her. Knowing that they understood the long-term reality of her situation and wanting her to have a positive future, presented fewer potential barriers to overcome in considering leaving abuse. Without adequate social and familial support, leaving DVA becomes a challenging and isolating process.⁸¹ Extract 8 demonstrates positive voices speaking out, wanting alternative positive trajectories for victims. This indicated an awareness that whilst this was not always the case, some stakeholders were not afraid to break established norms and encourage and pursue change.

Extract 8

I remember when I left my partner last year my mum actually said to me ‘Don’t go back, I don’t want you to have the kind of life that I’ve had’. (Survivor 9)

Survivor 9 spoke about her mother actively encouraging her not to return to her abusive marriage. Her advice extended beyond culture and religion and directly spoke out against social norms stipulating females should put up with abuse. This was indicative of a level of awareness that abuse was not something females needed to tolerate and endure. Furthermore, given her own lived experiences she knew that change was possible and wanted that for her daughter. Stakeholders therefore played a significant role, whether in a protective or DVA contributory capacity. This is an important component requiring consideration within DVA in Muslim and by extension, other close-knit communities.

C. Role of Faith at the Level of Intersectionality

Intersectionality was originally posited as relating to race, gender, socio-economic status, sexuality, and disability within Black communities and the subsequent interactions, which lead to disparities in opportunities and life outcomes.⁸² The role of intersectionality within DVA has gained increased traction.⁸³ Whilst intersectionality within the web model of DVA extends to all of the protected characteristics, three particular areas at the broader community level manifested as having a distinct impact. These were education and understanding in relation to DVA, ethnic cultural normative practices and Faith. There was a noticeable impact of these three areas interacting to shape the DVA experience and avenues for accessing support.

Extract 9

That for some people they go to an Imam or a shaykh and they get told just be patient, that’s classic, have sabr (patience), that’s a classic one and then they go in an abusive relationship for the next thirty years, or erm they’re told oh just wait it out or it’ll get better. These things get taken so lightly that victims don’t get heard or people that are in difficult marriages just, that somebody, the imam or shaykh is so almost hell-bent on making sure the marriage survives, that they are so influential and persuasive in making those people stay together but not taking into consideration that these are two people that are, that are hurting, that are in pain, that are not happy. (Professional 2)

Professional 2 spoke of the power held by those in positions of religious authority, and the resulting impact on the lives of DVA victims. When that power was combined with ignorance in relation to the tangible levels of damage and unhappiness caused by DVA, it became a source of spiritual anguish and suffering. This is in line with Nowrin who found that whilst Imams were often sought out by Canadian Muslims to resolve DVA concerns, they were not always DVA cognizant and hence many advised religious patience, coping strategies and reconciliatory efforts that only exacerbated the DVA.⁸⁴ The inference was that for some people, they would never be able to leave the abuse due to the external pressures and expectations placed upon them from seemingly religious sources. This lack of adequate DVA education at the level of those with religious authority was reflected in a sample of American Muslims with very real detrimental consequences.⁸⁵ This lack of DVA literacy was further expanded upon by professional 7.

Extract 10

It is, it is, what we have in Islam is, sometimes Islam is misunderstood by people, even the people who practice, because what we tend to do, we inherit cultural practice, and then we grow up with it and then we think that’s Islamic. (Professional 7)

The notion that even within those who identified as Muslim, there were groups of people who had conflated the tenets of the Faith with their ethnic cultural normative traditions, was put forward throughout the data. This had significant consequences within DVA cases whereby oppressive practices that stemmed from cultural norms were in fact understood, absorbed, and passed down generations as being inherent to the Faith itself. This alluded to such phenomenon happening at a subconscious level and therefore whole communities potentially being unaware of a distinction between Faith and cultural normative practices. The result manifested in cases such as that demonstrated in Extract 9, where DVA victims were told they must remain in abusive relationships. Furthermore, a form of learned helplessness⁸⁶ was exhibited, whereby victims themselves believed that this was something they had no autonomy over.

Extract 11

For a long time I never really understood, I just thought that this is how marriages are and how marriages are supposed to be. (Survivor 9)

The lived impact of such subconsciously absorbed beliefs is demonstrated by survivor 9 who spoke of comprehending no alternatives. To her, abusive marriages were how marriages were inherently meant to be. Therefore, there was nothing to question in relation to the abuse, it was only her ability to cope that came into question. This had a significant detrimental impact on her mental health and well-being, with several survivors referring to symptoms relating to depression, anxiety, self-harming behaviours, and suicidal thoughts. Faith-informed therapeutic approaches to recovery have facilitated the questioning of such embedded beliefs within safe spaces, thereby allowing a more holistic understanding of healthy marital relationships within the Islamic framework.⁸⁷ This conflated knowledge, however, between the actual tenets of the Faith and ethnic cultural normative practices, governed how survivors navigated community contexts.

Extract 12

You know, there’s that other thing of you’re not allowed to speak of other people’s sins, like when you’re new to the religion there is so much of that stuff going around in your head, you’re thinking am I going to be at fault if I divulge this about the other person. (Survivor 4)

Survivor 4 spoke about the internalized guilt carried as a result of not fully understanding what was religiously acceptable to raise. Those who were new to the Faith were particularly vulnerable to not knowing what they could say and to whom. Being expected to uphold the highest of standards in personal integrity resulted in survivors being obstructed from voicing DVA concerns. Yet, in line with international trends,⁸⁸ the unacceptable standards in behaviour of those perpetrating abuse were not called into question. Instead, the survivors became the ones who were questioned in relation to integrity. Secondary victimization has been identified as underpinning global victim blaming attitudes.⁸⁹ For someone who sincerely wanted to practice and follow their Faith, this presented deeply troubling questions in relation to their religious identity and place within their Faith community. For some, such levels of community questioning were expressed as pushing them close to leaving the Faith altogether. Indeed, within the course of conducting the research, a group of females who had left the Faith due to their DVA experiences expressed an interest in taking part in the research. Ultimately, they decided not to participate; however, their voices are critical to understanding this area further. Where other research has focused on the positive aftermath of utilizing Faith as a resource for resilience and growth,⁹⁰ this is a significant area of future research. Corresponding to this, it is known that survivors of spiritual abuse (where religion has been conflated with the abuse or abuse has been inflicted by someone with religious authority) often move away from their Faith before returning after many difficult years.⁹¹ A deeper understanding of this, therefore, becomes imperative.

Despite this, when survivors had access to individuals or social support with a holistic understanding of Faith coupled with an accurate understanding of DVA, this proved to be transformative to their experience.

Extract 13

Erm, but also I had a lot of supportive friends at work, so I worked in an Islamic school in (city name) and erm I had friends and colleagues who were very knowledgeable, erm I had access to a scholar who was also very knowledgeable. (Survivor 2)

Survivor 2 expressed what was echoed throughout the data. Informed social support played a critical role in providing safety and community-based resources which could be drawn upon when required. Balanced knowledge of Faith permitted survivors to have clarity of thought and validation to their rights as equal citizens within society and the family unit. The role of androcentric approaches in Faith-based knowledge generation and understanding has been concluded as contributing to dismissive attitudes towards women and the removal of compassion within marital relations.⁹² This has been emphasized as being the very opposite of the tranquility and refuge considered to be foundational to marital and family life in Islam. Such approaches have further been outlined as far removed from the prophetic teachings of social justice and equity. Therefore, to have informed social support which validated the Faith-based rights of women to live free from abuse provided strength and a source of hope. Without this, there was an implication that some individuals may never have been able to leave the abusive situation or for others, their suffering would have been prolonged. Integral to this was the balance of accurate understanding of DVA alongside informed holistic theological perspectives. The combination of the two resulted in the conflict present within cultural normative practices becoming an obsolete consideration for victims. This is indicative of the potential resources held within intersectionality. Such nuanced understanding unlocks possibilities within DVA interventions, which may not have otherwise been considered.

D. Role of Faith at the Macro Level

At the final level, Faith being intertwined within macro societal structures played a significant role in how DVA was experienced at the individual level. This often filtered through communities collectively, before negatively impacting the individual at the core of the DVA experience. Considerations at the macro level were not always necessarily related to DVA. Often, they were more focused on the narratives surrounding Muslims and Islam and thereby having a ripple effect on Muslim communities and in turn, DVA experiences. Professional 4 spoke about the vilification of Muslim communities as a whole and the pressure this had on everyone including professionals like herself.

Extract 14

And then I think the representations of us, all the time. And even though if I never grew up seeing women from my background in the public eye, look at the world of the politics, of sport, of drama, we've got women who look like us at every level and in every profession. But what you hear and what you see all the time is the Shamima Begum’s, the Asian taxi, the Muslim taxi drivers. That's what you see and that's what you hear. I think that defensive position is quite a natural position. And I have to constantly pull myself out of that when I hear people criticizing Muslims or criticizing Islam. I have to go, do you know what? This actually isn't about me. This is about those people as individuals. And I, what I need to challenge is the whole community label. (Professional 4)

The idea of Muslims being portrayed in a negative and stereotypical manner at a national level was raised. This was despite the heterogeneous nature of Muslim communities, and the documented contributions made to broader society across the fields of education, welfare, poverty relief, and youth and female empowerment.⁹³ Fair representation was felt to be excluded from mainstream media and political narratives. Instead, all Muslims being harmfully profiled under the actions of a few were felt to dominate, such as the case of Shamima Begum and the depiction of Muslim Asian taxi drivers. This was indicative of all Muslims being labelled as one homogeneous group, with these two examples highlighting the stereotyped negative nature of such portrayals. Right-leaning print media have been found to consistently depict Muslims more negatively than Jews, and more frequently more negatively than Christians.⁹⁴ Similar profiling reports were expressed within research conducted with Muslim professionals who participated in society at a Government level.⁹⁵ The subsequent pressure felt by communities and professionals alike was raised. Professionals having to consciously engage with extricating their own individual identity from mainstream negative narratives was put forward. The underlying intimation was the challenges this presented for professionals and, therefore, what of the average Muslim citizen. Ansari denotes a similar experience as a Black Muslim male Chaplain working with Muslims in US prisons.⁹⁶ He raises the very real struggle faced by frontline practitioners, already marginalized through their own minority status, yet being responsible for the pastoral care and support of fellow marginalized community members. Professional 4 elaborated on being forced into a defensive position due to the ongoing nature of such narratives, with indications towards this being a regular occurrence. Social self-preservation theory posits that shame is felt when the social self becomes threatened.⁹⁷ Group and social identities are argued to contribute to concepts of selfhood.⁹⁸ In the need to distinguish personal identities, Lofland proposed that salient features were ascribed to groups collectively within social identification.⁹⁹ These factors accumulated to give rise to tangible negative outcomes for DVA survivors. With positive social self-being linked to the ability to access better life opportunities, the consequences expressed here were the detrimental effects upon service provision. This in turn impacted some of the most vulnerable in society as seen in the following extract.

Extract 15

That’s got to influence, you know I think there’s more prejudice now than erm than previously, certainly when I was at (place name) which was 2001, 2002, there just wasn’t that prejudice that there is now. [I: Mmm, so how does that then play out in your, in the cases you deal with?] Er well I think it plays in, in amongst the multi-agencies particularly, so you’ll have police who will be driving a real agenda about Channel panel, erm why are we not intervening, why are we not moving, really pushing our agenda, and trying to influence our intervention, erm and then a lot of fear in schools, from schools, there’s a lot of fear from other agencies. (Professional 5)

Services being pressured to conform to national security measures regardless of whether there was a tangible security concern, was raised as creating further divide within sectors such as education and welfare. Hargreaves refers to this as a form of state-sponsored anti-Muslim prejudice,¹⁰⁰ seen within the inception and delivery of Prevent. Qurashi concludes relations between UK Muslim communities and local authorities have become securitized, indicative of underlying islamophobia inherent within the Prevent agenda.¹⁰¹ He argues that securitization has been deliberately embedded into policies and practices within macro-level structures, favouring white privilege and power, whilst containing the social needs and thereby social activism and movement of minority communities. Hargreaves further proposes that the relationship between British political structures and British Muslim communities is dominated by the subject of terrorism. Such reflections are not unsurprising given that the British Government itself acknowledges the very foundations of Prevent as being based upon the distortion of the Islamic Faith,¹⁰² which disproportionately targets Muslims.¹⁰³

The idea of drivers at the macro level working in tandem to place pressure on parts of broader societal systems was highlighted as creating significant disparities for Muslim communities. A culture of fear and suspicion was raised as the consequence. Under a social curse phenomenon, the normal protective elements found within group identities and affiliations became harmful to all who were identified as belonging to that group.¹⁰⁴ This fear and suspicion has further been traced within political spectrums whereby Muslims working in Government expressed experiences of being viewed under a suspect lens.¹⁰⁵ Professional 5, who was not a Muslim, brought to light what other professionals alluded to but did not voice so directly. This indicated a level of hesitation internal to Muslim communities, whereby speaking out would potentially cast them further into the net of suspicion.¹⁰⁶ In spite of such negative associations superimposed onto Muslims and Islam, the need for culturally tailored services was advocated across the data. This was indicative of the strengths and resources held within Muslim traditions.

Extract 16

Well I think initially what we need to do is raise the profile and make sure that police and local authorities and health are recording, you know the faith of women who are survivors, and then ensuring that’s then feeding into how we commission our services. (Professional 5)

Participants indicated a level of disregard for Muslim communities within macro service provision. The need to incorporate cultural and religious sensitivities were not accounted for, given that demographic data were often not being collected. Without such data collection, service provision in line with Qurashi’s observations¹⁰⁷ had no need to incorporate the needs of minorities. In extension to this, measuring the potential effectiveness of culturally appropriate services thereby became irrelevant.

Extract 17

Erm I think it’s with Muslim clients and BME clients, they want somebody who they think is going to understand either their culture, or their faith or a combination of both. And very often with clients it’s about, with Muslim clients I think very often it’s because they want a counsellor who understands their religion but just as importantly understand the culture and ethnicity as well, so we can understand the relationship between the two. (Professional 2)

The contrasting need within communities however was evident. Both survivors and professionals reported the desire for services to encompass their cultural and religious background. Not necessarily to give them religio-specific advice however, having prior cultural understanding was deemed as reducing the burden on survivors to have to explain aspects of their identity before they could discuss the actual support required. This was further seen within research conducted by The Lantern Initiative relating to the accessing of mental health support by Muslim communities. Within a sample of 334 UK-based Muslims, 84 per cent reported that they wanted faith-informed counselling services available.¹⁰⁸ This demonstrates that whilst existing structures at the macro level had room for improvement, the nature of such improvements required direct input from the communities in question in order to understand and cater to their specific needs. Equally, this was indicative of this provision within services being attainable, despite the presence of existing barriers.

4. CONCLUSION

This article demonstrates the dual role of Faith within DVA in Muslim communities as derived through the web model of DVA. The web model of DVA provides a unique structured framework within which the role of Faith for each victim or survivor can be ascertained. This is envisaged as supporting practitioners in the field when working with clients. Furthermore, it will allow academics and policymakers to gain a better conceptual understanding of the nuanced role of Faith and thereby the resulting implications for academic and policy approaches to supporting victims of DVA.

In summary, where reductionist approaches to Faith teachings manifested, this became an intersectional harm, allowing for the occurrence and maintenance of DVA. Simultaneously, holistic approaches towards the Faith, inclusive of significant stakeholder categories such as those with religious authority, held potential to provide a tangible and supportive route out of the abuse. This was in terms of addressing DVA, preventing further abuse and creating awareness within communities. Faith literacy by all, including victims and survivors was critical to this. The role of Faith within DVA, therefore, is nuanced and needs to be considered at the four levels outlined within the web model of DVA. To do so otherwise would result in a limited understanding of DVA within Muslim communities and thereby potentially compound the harms of DVA. On a practice level, services that proactively engage with the resources held within communities will be better placed to understand and cater to nuanced needs. The web model of DVA facilitates a structured approach as to how the utilization of Faith in the addressing and prevention of DVA within Muslim communities can be achieved at four crucial levels. By having this structured framework, services would not necessarily need to have all the answers themselves. They could utilize the web model to identify and draw upon the resources already present within the various levels identified in the web model of DVA, whilst ensuring it is individualized to each client. This would enable recognition and meeting of the nuanced individual needs of DVA survivors.

The delicate balance between ethnic cultural norms and Faith-based teachings are a normative plurality seen within the lives of ordinary Muslims. Furthermore, they manifest within the lives of Muslim professionals working in this sector. This can often remain unrecognized within broader society, including within the provision of services. Whilst such a conflation can lead to the exacerbation of DVA, equally the protective role of Faith is markedly evident throughout. Recognition of this nuance is critical in the provision of support within DVA in Muslim communities and has been advocated by wider literature.¹⁰⁹ The presence of parallel protective elements and DVA contributors at each of the four levels amplifies the need for consideration of these nuances in order to provide victims and survivors with meaningful routes out of the abuse and towards their recovery. The role of education and awareness of these parallel roles in preventative work thereby also becomes pronounced. Within this, there is scope for the work of Mir Hosseini¹¹⁰ in advocating an epistemological framework rooted in Islamic frameworks to elicit a deeper understanding within communities and professionals alike. This would facilitate change utilizing a bottom-up approach. Extending from this is the proposed Qur’anic ethics of marriage model.¹¹¹ Where this ethics model is established as the norm within communities, this makes the feasibility of questioning DVA behaviours much more accessible and approachable. Thereby contributing to preventative mechanisms.

Under this umbrella, the recommendations made by Le Roux and Pertek¹¹² are therefore advocated. However, exclusive reliance on those with religious authority is cautioned. The web model demonstrates that there are additional stakeholders and elements within the macro level which could also be drawn upon. These are also indicated within the recommendations of Le Roux and Pertek. The manifestations of psycho-social resilience via the Islamic Faith were evident. Rather than resilience being grounded in the concept of achieving despite adversity,¹¹³ resilience here manifested as the utilization of protective elements already present within the Islamic Faith and Islamic epistemological frameworks. This was in line with the concept of spiritual intelligence whereby utilization of higher-level Faith-based resources contributed towards well-being and resilience.¹¹⁴ In light of this, the recommendations outlined by Le Roux and Pertek become pertinent, as do the findings of ter Haar. Where current narratives outlined Faith as potentially harmful and an object of suspicion, the growing body of research demonstrates the need to place Faith as an integral component within the prevention and addressing of DVA, further to its active role in supporting recovery. The web model of DVA provides a comprehensive structured manner in which this can be achieved for each individual.

The author wishes to thank all the participants who gave their time and valuable contributions to this research.

Funding

This research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (reference ES/P000649/1).

Conflict of interest: The author declares her positionality as a Muslim female and thereby an insider to the research topic and communities in question. Questions surrounding potential scope for bias and the need for insider research have been addressed in the methodology section.

Footnotes