The Struggle for Gender Equality: Policy Implementation in Argentina’s Security Forces

Abstract

It is now over a decade since the inception of gender equality policies in Argentina’s police and security institutions. In this study we scrutinize the implementation gaps of these policies through interviews, focus groups, and story completion methods at Argentina’s Gendarmerie. Our analysis focuses on three key policies aimed at fostering gender equality within federal police and security organizations transitioning toward more democratic and professional institutions: (1) prohibiting actions that hinder the inclusion of individuals with dependents, and pregnant or lactating women, (2) establishing maternity and breastfeeding leaves, and (3) prohibiting actions impeding promotion for pregnant or lactating individuals. Using Engeli and Mazur’s analytical framework, we find these policies to be forward-thinking, yet hindered by institutional barriers to their implementation. The gender policy outcomes reveal a gender-accommodating approach, wherein entrenched traditional gender roles persist.

Introduction

In December 2001, thousands of people took to the streets of Buenos Aires to protest against the government. Rallies, roadblocks, mobilizations, and then violence and lootings spread across the country. After many days of protests, thirty-nine people had been killed, hundreds injured, and thousands arrested. During the riots, the president resigned, with five successors withdrawing in a two-week period.

The crisis resulted from years of neoliberalism that led to privatization of public companies, state retrenchment, and deproletariazation (Auyero 2006; Kessler and Di Virgilio 2008). Neoliberalism also led to the sociopolitical exclusion of popular and vulnerable groups who resisted and contested these politics throughout Latin America. This resistance sparked the emergence of the landless movement in Brazil, indigenous groups in Ecuador and Bolivia, and the unemployed workers’ in Argentina (Rossi 2017). Argentina’s 2001 crisis had several consequences, one of which was a transformation in the country’s internal security system. After several years of violent forms of policing (CELS 2003; Sain 2019), the national government began transitioning to new forms of state control¹. In line with the “left turn” (Levitsky and Roberts 2011) in the region’s political systems, Argentina implemented “progressive” measures (Fiuza Casais 2016) in the military and then security institutions throughout the 2000s and into the 2010s. Among these policies was a mandatory regulation to allow the entry of women into police and security forces in all ranks and cadres. The full entrance of women led to significant changes in these traditionally masculine and gendered institutions (Calandrón 2021; Daverio 2021) and gender policies² were designed and introduced to accompany this process. However, implementation did not occur as planned (Engeli and Mazur 2018).

Over a decade has now passed since after the introduction of these policies, and drawing on interviews, focus groups, story completion (Clarke et al. 2019; Gravett 2019), and document analysis, this article examines the gaps and obstacles to the implementation of gender policies in Argentina's federal security institutions. Specifically, we follow Engeli and Mazur’s (2018) framework to analyze three gender equality policies designed for policing institutions: (1) prohibition of actions that hinder the entry and retention of individuals with dependent children, and pregnant or lactating women (Resolution 472/2011); (2) maternity and breastfeeding leave entitlements (Resolution 469/2011); (3) prohibition of actions that restrict promotion or participation in promotion courses for individuals who are pregnant or lactating (Resolution 1079/11).

In the first section, we delineate theories analyzing policing institutions as gendered organizations and summarize scholars’ findings regarding public policies and the implementation of gender policies within male-dominated institutions. Adopting Engeli and Mazur’s (2018) framework, we scrutinize the selected policies. We then provide a comprehensive overview of the history and characteristics of gender equality policies within Argentina’s policing and militarized institutions, focusing on the array of policies introduced with the establishment of the Ministry of Security. We also contextualize the incorporation of women into armed institutions within the national and regional contexts, elucidating their initial roles and their connections with the women’s movement. In the subsequent section, we outline the methodology employed to collect data and conduct the analysis. Following this, we describe the barriers hindering the success of gender policies. Moving forward, both in the ensuing section and the conclusion, we detail the combination of instruments utilized and their role in supporting the implemented policies. Our findings indicate that, in terms of gender policy outcomes, the analyzed policies represent gender-accommodating approaches, wherein entrenched traditional gender roles persist. Bureaucrats, policy actors, and predominantly Gendarmerie personnel continue to uphold long-standing norms regarding masculine and feminine roles (Engeli and Mazur 2018, p. 122).

Theoretical framework

The transition to more democratic policing in Argentina has been studied and discussed by various authors and disciplines within the social sciences (Frederic 2008, 2015, 2020; Sain 2019). However, there is limited research related to the implementation of gender policies from a sociopolitical perspective, integrating both macrostructural and micro interactional processes. Specifically, in security studies, a traditionally masculine area, obstacles and resistance to the implementation of gender policies need to be uncovered to advance equality.

The political scientist Andrea Daverio (2021) described and analyzed the gender institutionalization process in one of Argentina’s police forces, highlighting the initiatives and measures designed to advance gender equality. However, she found that these policies were limited and primarily focused on preventing violence against women. As she states: “Gender equality policies were encapsulated in gender violence” (Daverio 2021, p. 27), excluding other dimensions of a possible gender mainstreaming strategy.

Obstacles to the implementation of gender equality policies in policing institutions were also described by García Pinzón and Rojas Ospina (2020) in their study of El Salvador’s police. They found that while female recruitment was considered a public policy, no specific quotas were established to ensure the recruitment of women (García Pinzón and Rojas Ospina 2020, p. 73). Furthermore, there was no consideration for the specific needs of women in a male-dominated space, highlighting gender blindness and a lack of understanding of gender relations in Salvadoran society. To frame these observations within a broader theoretical context, Mazur’s (2002) work on theorizing feminist policy provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the dynamics and challenges of implementing feminist policies in various institutional contexts.

Policing institutions are gendered organizations that mirror society’s gender division of labor. Consequently, women in traditionally masculine organizations, such as police forces, face difficulties both during entry and throughout their careers, despite policies aimed at gender equality. In her study of police and military institutions, Sabrina Calandrón (2021) described the challenges women face in Argentine police work. While they sometimes use violence, they are also subject to it. Calandrón found that women were discouraged from expressing feminine or personal traits during training to form a homogeneous group where gender is considered irrelevant. Uniforms, hairstyles, and the lack of makeup are used to discipline all personnel into becoming a gender-neutral police force oriented toward common goals. Yet, traditional gender roles remain entrenched, affecting women’s experiences (Calandrón 2021).

Lopreite and Rodríguez Gustá (2021) analyzed political agencies for women, arguing that these function as mediators between the state and feminist movements. In Argentina’s police and security forces, the Gender Division within the Security Ministry serves as a political advocate for women and can be categorized as an insider agency, as it has incorporated the demands of the women’s movement into the policies it designs. Guzmán (2019) argues that gender institutionalization processes are influenced by political, institutional, and cultural dynamics, both domestically and globally. She highlights that integrating gender issues into institutional management faces political, ideological, and procedural obstacles. Guzmán emphasizes the need for coordinated action across sectors, which often conflicts with the organizational structure of governments. Guzmán suggests that experiences of integrating gender issues into state agendas can generate new consensus and establish a “gender architecture within the State” (Guzmán 2019).

Engeli and Mazur (2018) point out that the context in which the policy process unfolds can affect how policy implementation practices and outcomes develop. They explain that the mix of policy implementation instruments is influenced by contextual factors such as previous familiarity with the tool, policy advocacy, and sectoral or national context factors: “Instruments define the type of good or activity to be delivered, the institutions or authorities in charge of the delivery, and the way in which it is delivered” (Engeli and Mazur 2018, p. 115). This aligns with Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s (1999) role of coalitions and policy learning over time, as well as the critical role of belief systems and advocacy coalitions in shaping policy outcomes. Lindblom’s (1996) concept of “muddling through” also highlights the incremental and pragmatic nature of policy implementation, explaining the gradual and sometimes fragmented progress in gender policy implementation within conservative institutions.

Based on previous research, Engeli and Mazur (2018) identify four different types of implementation instruments: (1) authority instruments that authorize, prescribe, or ban particular behaviors (such as prohibiting women from entering police or security forces); (2) incentive instruments that encourage target groups to adopt or change particular behaviors (such as budget allocations to hire more women in underrepresented areas); (3) capacity and learning instruments that provide training (such as Ley Micaela for gender training in Argentina’s public administration); and (4) symbolic instruments that emphasize positive values and expose negative ones (e.g. information campaigns about domestic violence). The combination of instruments and the actors involved, with their goals and motivations, within each context determines their capacity for success (Engeli and Mazur 2018, p. 116).

Argentina is considered to be at the forefront of gender policy design. The 2009 legislation to protect women against violence, quotas legislation to amplify women’s rights, and several other instruments alongside a strong women’s movement (Di Marco 2010; Friedman and Rodríguez Gustá 2023) had a profound effect on society. In line with Schneider and Ingram’s (1997) insights on policy design for democracy, the implementation of gender policies in Argentina’s security and policing institutions reflects a complex interplay of advocacy, institutional arrangements, and sociopolitical dynamics. Grindle’s (2009) concept of the “implementation gap” further illustrates the challenges of translating policy design into effective practice, emphasizing the need for adequate resources, administrative capacity, and supportive institutional contexts.

The instruments were mixed and combined in the implementation of gender policies in Argentina’s security and policing institutions. Yet, as Engeli and Mazur (2018, p. 116) pointed out, implementation is a battle for power, where diverse actors have interests and push for or slow down its adoption. In addition to being gendered, policing institutions are also conservative and traditional organizations, and the values they uphold may conflict with a more inclusive agenda such as gender transformation, the ultimate outcome Engeli and Mazur (2018, p. 120) propose.

Drawing upon previous research in the field, and to assess the efficacy of the implementation instruments outlined, we introduce three primary dimensions of obstacles: (1) gendered divisions of labor, (2) institutional barriers, and (3) informal discrimination. These dimensions are deeply entrenched in cultural and historical constructions of gender, wherein masculinity and femininity are imbued with complex meanings and practices (Mills 2016; Scott 1986). Scholars have elucidated that the concept of gendered divisions of labor hinges on the recognition that gender is not a fixed attribute of biological sex, but rather a multifaceted construct shaped by cultural and historical contexts (Mills, 2016, p. 285). Ideas of masculinity and femininity are socially constructed and reinforced through power dynamics (Scott 1986), shaping the roles and duties assigned to individuals within policing and security settings. Hill and Hupe (2014) provide a detailed analysis of operational governance, which can help understand the institutional barriers that perpetuate these gendered divisions. Similarly, Howlett’s (2012) work on learning from policy failures and the multiple-streams approach to policy implementation further highlights the complexity and interconnectedness of these processes.

Pressman and Wildavsky’s (1973) analysis of the complexity of joint action underscores the challenges of coordinating multiple actors and agencies in the implementation process. These insights are pertinent to understanding the difficulties in enforcing gender policies across various branches and levels of Argentina’s security forces, where interagency collaboration and coherent action are critical for success. Grindle’s (2009) work highlights the importance of contextual factors, resource allocation, and administrative capacity in bridging the gap between policy intentions and actual implementation.

Similarly, feminist scholars have posited that institutions serve as agents in the production of gender (Acker 1990; Mills 2016; Montoya, Disch, and Hawkesworth 2016). Through their processes and practices, institutions perpetuate gender privilege and disadvantage, thereby impeding women’s career advancement and professional development (Montoya, Disch, and Hawkesworth 2016, pp. 378–79). Within policing and security institutions, implementation strategies for gender policies may be thwarted by regulations or practices that obstruct women from exercising their rights (CEDAW 1979). Informal discrimination, distinct from formal policies or regulations, manifests in actual practices within these institutions. Building on the framework outlined by Engeli and Mazur (2018, 2021), we examine how these dimensions intersect with the implementation instruments of gender policies within policing and security institutions.

In the next section, we analyze the implementation of three gender equality policies in the transition to more democratic and inclusive policing: (1) prohibition of actions that prevent the entry and permanence of people with dependent children, and pregnant or lactating women (Resolution 472/2011), (2) maternity and breastfeeding leaves (Resolution 469/2011), and (3) prohibiting actions impeding the promotion of pregnant or lactating individuals (Resolution 1079/2011).

Gender equality policies in Argentina’s policing and militarized institutions

Argentina consists of a federal government and twenty-four subnational units, each with its own executive, legislative, and judicial powers governed by its constitution while adhering to the guidelines of the National Constitution. Policing and security in the country are primarily shaped by its republican, representative, and federal structure. Each subnational unit maintains its own police force, while the national government oversees two police forces and two security forces: the Argentine Federal Police, the Airport Security Police, the National Gendarmerie, and the Naval Prefecture. Despite their distinct jurisdictions and organizational structures, these federal forces share similar missions focused on preventing, investigating, and apprehending federal-level crimes such as smuggling, drug trafficking, and crimes against humanity. The National Ministry of Security supervises and coordinates policies and programs across these agencies.

The incorporation and democratic entry of women into Argentina’s armed institutions—although with disparities among agencies—was a significant milestone following the return of democracy and constitutional order after the military dictatorship ended in 1983 (Lucero 2009; Masson 2010). After the dictatorship, Argentina experienced profound societal transformations, including the abolition of compulsory military service, the judicial prosecution of junta members, and the diminishing influence of military institutions. Concurrently, there was a notable shift toward greater civilian oversight of security and defense policies, reflecting a commitment to constitutional norms. Against this backdrop, Alioni (2016) highlights the integration of women into security and police forces as a strategic response aimed at reforming the institutional image tarnished by the dictatorship. The latter part of the twentieth century saw the rise of women's movements and feminist advocacy groups striving for increased representation in political and institutional spheres. These movements advocated for the establishment of gender-focused institutions influenced by a growing array of international and regional women’s rights instruments (Guzmán 2001). As part of the transition to more democratic policing, civilian authorities at federal police and security agencies promoted organizational reforms. “Progressive” measures were implemented to professionalize and open these institutions to society (Costantino, Gutiérrez, and Poma 2021).

In 2010, the government created the Ministry of Security (previously part of the Interior Ministry) with a goal of democratizing policing institutions and gaining civilian control. Following her tenure as Minister of Defense, human rights supporter Nilda Garré served as Minister of Security from 2010 to 2013. Her goal was to mainstream the gender perspective within the police and security forces. Garré designed gender equality policies through “femocrats” (Mazur and McBride 2007, p. 504) with strong links to feminist and human rights organizations. These “femocrats” had been part of Garré’s administration at the Ministry of Defense and applied a similar management model to the security forces, though without the debated process characterizing the Council of Gender Policies in the Armed Forces (Masson 2020). A Gender Division was established at the Ministry of Security, focusing on revising quotas, entry conditions, promotion timelines, and personnel policies. The professionals at the Gender Division actively collaborated with feminist activists, scholars, and political leaders for consultation and input (interview with former ministry official, June 7, 2023).

The Security Ministry introduced several initiatives to promote gender equality within Argentina’s federal forces, one of which was the establishment of Comprehensive Gender Centers in 2011, modeled after similar centers in the armed forces. These centers were tasked with guiding and supporting the integration of women, although unlike their armed forces counterparts, they were not the result of a participatory and consultative space, which Grindle (2009) suggests is key for implementation success.

The Ministry implemented policies to address gender disparities, such as promoting mixed workspaces in which men and women undertake the same tasks under identical conditions and ensuring equal career development opportunities for both genders. Additional guidelines pertained to pregnancy, maternity, and lactation leave regimes (Resolution 469/11), guard schedules, shooting activities, combat exercises, instruction, and other duties performed by pregnant and lactating women. These measures prohibited actions that impede the entry, retention, promotion, or training of individuals with children or who are pregnant (Resolution 472/11, 16/12) and included provisions against gender violence and for respecting gender identity (Federman and Meza 2012). Policies concerning pregnancy, maternity, and lactation leave (Resolution 1079/11) drew upon international and local regulations, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

As a result, the number of women in the four federal forces increased significantly after the Ministry changed its regulations to make these institutions more inclusive. Data from the Security Ministry’s Gender Policy Division shows that the number of women increased from 368 in 2010 to 1,034 in 2011, and continued to rise to 2,998 in 2012 and 3,060 in 2013.

As Table 1 shows, in 2021, women comprised 30.1 percent of the Federal Police (PFA) and 38.6 percent of the Airport Police (PSA). In the security forces, the numbers were lower: 18.8 percent in the National Gendarmerie (GNA) and 15.6 percent in the Naval Prefecture (PNA). Gender policies in defense and security were avant-garde and disruptive for their time, especially considering these institutions’ military roots (Masson 2020). However, the data from 2021 show that women still faced barriers to full growth within these institutions. Analyzing key policies and the mix of instruments designed to foster gender equality within policing and security institutions will reveal persistent obstacles to gender equality and transformation.

Methodology

Data for this study come from in-depth interviews, focus groups, informal conversations, and story completion techniques conducted between June 2022 and October 2023 at Argentina’s National Gendarmerie. The authors met with large groups of gendarmes in different parts of the country as part of a larger project related to the history, challenges, and changes undergone by the women in Argentina’s federal police and security forces. We focused on the experience of women in the National Gendarmerie³ since it stood out above the four federal police and security forces in Argentina for being the last force to incorporate women into all its cadres and ranks. Furthermore, the Gendarmerie’s mission and functions encompass both domestic security and national defense, positioning it as an intermediary force (Frederic 2020). For this purpose, we visited Gendarmerie squads in different parts of the country and gathered information on how gender is performed, practiced, and organized as part of daily work relationships within the force (Denzin and Lincoln 2011).

The interviews with Gendarmerie personnel (nine) were mainly conducted in person at institutional training facilities, while interviews with former public officials (five) were conducted through video communications systems. Most conversations were tape recorded after subjects were guaranteed anonymity and provided their informed consent. We also conducted five focus groups. Women in lower ranks of the Gendarmerie are often shy and not comfortable expressing their emotions or speaking about themselves, so focus groups were conducted to learn more about their perceptions (Aigneren 2009). At each unit and squad, we randomly convened between six and eight participants from the total number of women of the same rank⁴ to participate in the focus groups. The groups were guided by general themes related to their experience, training, and life outside the Gendarmerie, and were tape-recorded. Although women have been members of the Gendarmerie in all ranks and files since 2007, it was important to conduct interviews and group meetings with women officers and non-commissioned officers in spaces free of surveillance and the presence of men presence. To that end, some interviews were held outdoors in the interviewees’ local units since women often feel they do not “own” the spaces where they work. On two occasions, we also stayed and spent between three and five days at Gendarmerie squads to observe interactions and internal dynamics.

Following Clarke et al. (2019) and Gravett (2019), we also conducted story completion research. “Story completion involves asking research participants to write a story about a hypothetical scenario. In order to do this, a brief story stem and a set of completion instructions are provided to participants” (Clarke et al. 2019, p. 2). In this study, participants were issued a brief story stem written in the third person about women in the Gendarmerie and left to complete the story. Before providing the stems, we explained in detail what was required and our expectations of the stories. We gathered forty-three stories describing different aspects of women’s careers in the institution such as reasons for choosing a career in security, entrance, promotion, social life, maternity, and childcare. The stories collected were varied; some were rich in detail while others consisted of just a series of items listed. They ranged from being the length of half an A4 page to two sides of a page. The following step of the data collection process involved asking participants to discuss their experiences of the research process in a story-mediated interview (Gravett 2019, p. 3). This was possible with a small number of participants and in this semi-structured and informal interview, participants discussed their interpretation of the narratives and stories written. The stories were later analyzed, looking for patterns and regularities within the data. Furthermore, the authors also took part in regular activities within the Gendarmerie. Attendance at activities was accompanied by the creation of fieldnotes (in the form of notes taken at the end of the day in a personal private notebook and home computer). Fieldnotes included observations, analysis of interactions, informal conversations, details of the participation in special events, and summaries of circumstances and situations that occurred in the normal processes of daily life while visiting the Gendarmerie. Police organizations are generally not open to researchers and dislike being “subjects of study” so gaining trust was fundamental for data collection (Sirimarco 2010).

Gender equality policies: opportunities and obstacles for success

Engeli and Mazur (2021, p. 3) highlight certain institutional, cultural, and political factors within countries and across regions that contribute to the effectiveness of feminist policies. In Argentina, the context offers both opportunities and challenges for gender policy implementation. As previously mentioned, the country has witnessed the emergence and evolution of a strong feminist movement. Depending on the political administration in power, this movement has had varying degrees of influence over public administration (Lopreite and Rodríguez Gustá 2021). In institutions comprising military and police personnel, the feminist movement initially made significant inroads into the armed forces and later extended its influence to policing and security institutions (Frederic 2021).

It is crucial to highlight that the Security Ministry’s gender policies were developed as part of a broader initiative aimed at democratizing the country’s security sector (Fiuza Casais 2016). In 2011, a group was appointed to evaluate women’s access, permanence, and progress in police and security forces. The group was made up of Ministry officials and members of the force, and carried out an in-depth evaluation that led to a report with recommendations. As a result, several gender policies were designed to transform traditionally male-dominated agencies into more inclusive, democratic, and gender-sensitive institutions, moving beyond their strictly military roles.

However, the implementation of these policies also brought about unintended consequences. On a formal and legal level, it marked the onset of equal incorporation of both women and men into the police and security forces, and it improved the formal conditions for women’s career advancement. Nonetheless, these policies were not fully integrated into the institutional framework. One clear example is evident in the gender division of labor, where administrative tasks became feminized, and women were predominantly channeled into educational and healthcare sections within the security forces, rather than being equally represented in combat-oriented roles (Duarte and Brítez 2023; Duarte and Page Poma 2023).

Our first visit to one of the National Gendarmerie squads located in the greater Buenos Aires area, in 2022, surprised us by the difficult access to the premises, the lack of public transportation available, the poor conditions of the facilities, and the overall layout of the women’s dormitory and bathroom: narrow, crowded, damp, with small windows, lacking shower curtains, and extremely cold. Every room, every office in that squad, and in most premises of the National Gendarmerie, is cold and those who work there do not complain.

All members of the Gendarmerie receive military training, learn discipline and obedience, and have to adapt to the hierarchical structure that characterizes the force. Interestingly, those features permitted the introduction of gender policies. The National Gendarmeríe was the last of the federal security forces to accept the full entry of women to the institution. The reasons for this resistance included: the alleged hostility of work in the borderlines, inadequate facilities, and that women would change team behavior (Calandrón 2021). However, full entrance of women to the Gendarmerie was not an option; it was a mandatory decision from the civilian authorities that had to be implemented.

We classify obstacles to the implementation of gender equality policies in the forces as follows.

Gender division of labor

As previously mentioned, the national Ministry of Security designed a set of affirmative action public policies to promote the progress of women within the structure of the police and security forces. These policies consider maternity and lactation leaves a right and prevent these conditions from becoming an obstacle for women’s career development (Federman and Meza 2012). Although these measures constitute an advancement for women in the forces, they leave out one of the most important tasks socially assigned to women: care and family responsibilities. This is crucial because the gender division of labor, observed in many fields of work, is pronounced in policing, a field characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation (Calandrón 2019, 2021).

In Argentina’s Gendarmerie, women were originally hired to conduct traditionally feminine functions such as assisting with female offenders and victims and administering paperwork. These roles were of low prestige and did not lead to positions as Gendarmerie officers. Women were classified as administrative personnel without police or military status until 2001, when they were allowed to become gendarmes. One of our interviewees, hired in 1988 without military status, only became a non-commissioned officer in 2002. During our conversation in 2022, she was negotiating her retirement and uncertain how her years as administrative personnel would be counted toward her benefits.

In 2022, the National Gendarmerie comprised 79.17 percent men and 20.82 percent women. While this gender distribution is consistent across most segments of the force, educational and training institutions had a notable increase in female representation, reaching up to 42.6 percent of the total personnel (Ministerio de Seguridad 2023), highlighting horizontal gender segregation. Vertical segregation is evident in the scarcity of women in senior leadership positions within the command chain, primarily due to the recent inclusion of women in the force, which requires time for them to ascend to higher roles within the Gendarmerie’s hierarchy.

In the transition to more inclusive policing, the Gendarmerie incorporated personal leave coverage for parents in case of children’s illness. However, as in much of Argentina’s society, it is the women in the force who predominantly take on childcare responsibilities. In many cases, the institution promotes gender stereotypes in care tasks and expects women to take personal leave coverage instead of men. This expectation, when both parents are members of the force, positions women as the primary caregivers who request care leave. Men are discouraged from assuming childcare responsibilities, directly affecting women, particularly mothers, as the number of care leave days used is considered during promotion evaluations. Consequently, women often find themselves at a disadvantage compared to their male peers at the time of promotion. As one of the interviewees stated: “Besides, it wasn’t even an option for them (the men) to ask for permission to attend ‘care-duties.’ It was unacceptable for a man to request personal leave coverage … skip a day of work to care for an ill child, or other care responsibilities. It was inconceivable!” (interview with NCO physical trainer, September 25, 2022).

Even as social norms begin to change, domestic work and care duties are still seen as feminine obligations by many in the Gendarmerie. According to the stories collected, maintaining a traditional division of care responsibilities appeared to be an important way for some Gendarmerie men, particularly older ones and those in supervisory positions, to express masculinity.

Institutional barriers

The Gendarmerie has units and squads throughout Argentina, including cities, towns, and isolated rural locations on the border. Often, these destinations do not accommodate members with parental responsibilities due to day and night shifts, on-call service,⁵ and the distance from medical and other essential services. Gendarmes reported that on-call services might start at 3 a.m. for early-morning operations, requiring them to be ready for hours, completely disrupting family dynamics. This situation also imposes an economic burden due to the need to hire caregivers at unexpected hours.

A significant barrier to the implementation of policies that prevent the entry, permanence, and promotion of people with dependent children is the absence of institutional childcare (nursery schools, kindergartens, etc.). Parent gendarmes usually hire babysitters who can adapt to their changing schedules, but this is often difficult. In small towns plagued by crime, finding reliable childcare becomes a daunting challenge due to the amplified sense of insecurity. These issues are exacerbated in single-parent families and in cases where both parents are members of the force and from different locations than where they are stationed. The lack of family care networks and support makes gendarmes dependent on paid external caregivers.

One interviewee shared her experience of living in a small town where the proximity between the school, the Gendarmerie unit, and other services allowed her to balance picking up her children and managing both work and family responsibilities. However, upon being transferred to a unit in the Greater Buenos Aires, this balance became impossible, leading to increased expenses on babysitters and limited personal time. Families at the Gendarmerie headquarters in Buenos Aires can enroll their children in a nursery school designed for armed forces personnel, but this option is not accessible to those stationed elsewhere. Numerous female gendarmes expressed the need for institutional solutions such as nurseries to alleviate their caregiving challenges.

During focus groups, complaints emerged about male officers penalizing mothers who requested schedule changes or days off due to childcare responsibilities. These penalties included sudden duty changes, restrictions on information, and exclusion from events. Additionally, “unsolicited transfers” were mentioned, whereby individuals were reassigned to new locations without explanation after not complying with orders or traditions. The flexibility of supervisors in granting special leaves for care, study, or health issues significantly affects the permanence of female personnel. These challenges appeared transversally across all units.

Sedimented informal discriminatory practices

Despite the introduction of gender policies in 2011, many male officers remain ill-informed on gender stereotypes and continue to reproduce inequalities and discriminatory practices. During an informal conversation with a male officer in a northern provincial unit, he revealed his perception of women in the force, “I always request the least possible number of women for my units because they are problematic” (October 7, 2023). Laura Masson noted that “despite advances, large gaps persist regarding the real possibilities of incorporating changes in people’s and institutions’ views. The expansion of the regulatory framework coexists with practices that sustain and reproduce inequalities between men and women, as well as discriminatory practices against trans and gay people” (Masson 2020, p. 41).

While many senior officers have received gender and human rights training, informal behaviors such as jokes, discriminatory comments, and gender stereotypes about women in the police persist. Some comments reflect an informal resistance to gender equality policies, an attitude rooted in perceptions of women as threats to institutional traditions.

Discriminatory practices also include physical harassment, ridicule, exclusion, relegation to low decision-making positions, assignment of administrative duties, and involuntary transfers. In the Gendarmerie, where recruitment and promotion emphasize physical prowess, women’s performance on physical tests is scrutinized and compared to men’s. The stereotype of women being physically weaker leads to increased scrutiny and underestimation of their performance. Although many women excel in these tests, those who do not are often seen as problematic by male superiors.

Institutional customs, values, and traditions—resistant to formal policy changes—impede the advancement of women. The primary challenges for women in police and security forces arise from the implementation of informal institutional norms that conflict with the principles of equality, non-discrimination, and inclusion established by formal gender policies. These informal norms, rooted in entrenched gender ideologies, reinforce discriminatory practices and perpetuate inequality.

A significant obstacle to implementing gender public policies is the challenge women face when reporting abuse. Gender representatives often dissuade women from filing formal complaints. In a focus group, a non-commissioned gendarme shared her experience of being asked for sexual favors multiple times but never officially reporting it. When asked why she didn’t file a complaint, she explained, “Male colleagues at the gendarmerie protect each other, and if I had filed a complaint, sooner or later I would have faced punishment” (September 8, 2023) Numerous stories mentioned a brotherhood among men in the Gendarmerie, characterized by robust camaraderie and solidarity. In conflicts involving women, the man tends to be shielded, and the woman’s complaint is often met with skepticism. Sanders et al. noted that this brotherhood offers men protection and cohesion within the institution (Sanders, Gouweloos, and Langan 2022, p. 647).

The practical execution of maternity and breastfeeding leave programs was slow and gradual. While certain leaves were easily granted, others faced denials or required excessive documentation. In a focus group discussion, gendarmes shared the difficulties encountered by women with high-risk pregnancies, who often find themselves placed on medical leave rather than maternity leave, adversely affecting their promotion prospects.

Despite being mandatory, maternity leave policies lacked resources and incentives. There was a stark contrast between Buenos Aires and remote regions, with deficiencies in resources, equipment, and policy awareness being more pronounced in the latter. For instance, women in Salta faced challenges due to male colleagues’ unfamiliarity with relevant resolutions. During an interview with a male chief officer (September 2022), he expressed dissatisfaction with the “benefits” granted to pregnant and lactating women, which he perceived as leading to jealousy and conflicts among other personnel. Consequently, he favored having an all-male troop under his command. Moreover, in several of the narratives, single women without dependents voiced grievances, stating that when a woman in the unit was pregnant, the other women felt unfairly burdened with heavier workloads or were required to work on holidays due to their lack of dependents. As an officer at one of the border squads told us: “One day I was supposed to be on my day off … but the chief called to tell me that [a fellow female gendarme] was not coming to work because of an ill child so all the others had to come. [Her absence] affects the others who also have children” (Buenos Aires, September 15, 2022). Another gendarme recalled that a few days before Christmas all personnel were called and the officer in charge said: “All those who have families will go on break … Oh yes … yes, yes. But those of us who do not have children have to stay. They punish those of us who don't have families! But we do have family. I don’t have children but I have a family. If you are not married, you do not have children, you do not have the right to enjoy the holidays” (Buenos Aires, September 15, 2022).

Regarding lactation rooms, some were established for female gendarmes in administrative roles, yet these facilities were not universally available across all units, and once again, personnel were not adequately trained on their use.

The implementation of the other two policies—prohibition of actions that prevent the entry and permanence of people with dependent children and pregnant or lactating women and prohibiting actions impeding promotion for pregnant or lactating individuals—also evidenced implementation gaps. The policies lacked accompanying resources, such as daycare facilities, monetary compensations for external childcare services, or training for personnel regarding the new legislation. The following story highlights this issue: “Upon joining the Gendarmerie, I anticipated new avenues for personal and professional growth. Yet, the reality once in the force was very different. As a woman with children, one is subject to heightened scrutiny and more susceptible to penalties. While our career trajectory and promotional prospects may appear equal on paper, the practical reality paints a disparate picture because daycare is always a problem for us, women” (Buenos Aires, June 8, 2023). The absence of childcare facilities, both within the squads and in proximity, was a widespread grievance among women in the security forces. For instance, at a unit stationed along the northern border between Argentina and Bolivia, female gendarmes voiced concerns about sudden transfers to locations lacking adequate schooling or kindergarten facilities for their children. Consequently, they found themselves unable to carry out their duties as expected due to childcare challenges. Thus, the policies, when not accompanied by incentive, learning, or symbolic instruments, are ineffective at the least.

Women’s advancement within the security forces is hindered not only by childcare responsibilities but also by deficiencies in training. During a focus group discussion, participants highlighted that women frequently have to endure longer shifts than men while on guard duty. When questioned about this discrepancy, they revealed that men often possess skills in areas such as mechanics, gardening, and bricklaying, enabling them to rotate out of guard duty more quickly to resume their specialized tasks. Many women, on the other hand, have not received training in these valuable and esteemed areas of expertise within the force. Consequently, they lamented that this imbalance also impacts their prospects for promotion.

Table 2 provides a summary of the instruments accompanying the implementation of each policy.

A significant deficiency in the enforcement of the legislation arises from the subjective discretion applied in policy execution. Research findings reveal that decisions regarding work conditions, leave entitlements, and uniform usage during pregnancy and lactation often rely on unwritten rules subject to ongoing negotiation with immediate supervisors.

Gender outcomes

Engeli and Mazur (2018, p. 121) proposed four possible outcomes of gender equality policies, with the ultimate goal being gender transformation. The policies established by Argentina’s Security Ministry in 2011 aimed to accommodate traditional gender relations but did not seek to transform them. These policies resulted in gender accommodation, where traditional gender roles remained entrenched, and personnel, especially within the Gendarmerie, continued to embrace long-held norms about masculine and feminine roles (Engeli and Mazur 2018, p. 122).

The policies served as authoritative instruments outlining maternity and breastfeeding leave, prohibiting actions that hindered the entry and retention of women with children, and ensuring promotion opportunities. These regulations were mandatory, requiring all police and security institutions to implement them. However, there were limited incentive instruments to promote and facilitate the adoption of these measures, which were seen as strict orders to be followed. The policies failed to provide organizational support for women in male-dominated institutions and did not challenge the gender division of care activities.

Within the Gendarmerie, a militarized, vertically and hierarchical institution, directives from civil authorities were adhered to despite resistance. According to our interviewees, the regulations were not backed by sufficient resources. Although women’s barracks and bathrooms were installed, the absence of childcare support for most gendarmes indicated a lack of incentives. Many stories describe the ambiguity of promoting women in the Gendarmerie without providing childcare support. A former ministry official noted that due to limited resources and personnel shortages, they couldn’t conduct workshops or specific training sessions and could only respond to inquiries as they arose (Interview, July 2023).

The combination of instruments mentioned by Engeli and Mazur (2018) also includes learning instruments. In 2019, Argentina’s federal government introduced Ley Micaela, mandating gender and gender-based violence training for all public service employees. By 2024, most Gendarmerie officers had undergone training under this law. However, the focus was primarily on gender violence, and before 2019, no sustained learning instruments were in place, with only sensitization activities and informal workshops being conducted.

Maternity and breastfeeding leave entitlements were formally implemented as legal rights. However, these rights are often perceived as mere “benefits” rather than inherent rights. During fieldwork, many women viewed these regulations as advantageous but somewhat excessive. This perspective contributes to the implementation gap, especially when pregnant women requested leave.

There were weak symbolic instruments to complement the policies. Former Ministry officials reported limited efforts to promote awareness of the new regulations, mainly through internal campaigns involving postcards and posters. There were no audiovisual materials, and the measures were not publicized through mass media channels. The institutional model established perceived maternity as a hindrance to effective functioning, while not applying the same perception to paternity. Pregnant women and mothers were often deemed “problematic” and reassigned to lower-prestige roles, diminishing their career advancement opportunities.

As of 2023, no female gendarmes have attained the rank of Senior Officer due to internal regulations, the promotion system, and ranking criteria. Despite the absence of explicit barriers, there has been a notable lack of incentives, learning opportunities, or symbolic instruments to facilitate women's career advancement. For example, the utilization of care leave days is factored into promotion evaluations, disadvantaging women compared with their male counterparts. Additionally, subjective criteria for promotion assessments often lead to perceptions of unfair evaluation among women.

The combination of instruments and the actors involved, with their goals and motivations, embedded in each context determines their capacity for success (Engeli and Mazur 2018, p. 116). The ultimate goal is gender transformation, a long-term process fueled by the cumulative impact of incremental changes (Engeli and Mazur 2018, p. 121). The policies analyzed here did not challenge the core of the gendered and heteronormative power hierarchies. As summarized in Table 2, they contained weak instruments to actively support women’s integration, permanence, and career development.

Conclusions

Security institutions in Latin America were originally established by and for men, and they remain predominantly male-dominated, with men occupying nearly all leadership roles. Nevertheless, in recent years,⁶ the Argentine government has implemented regulations and policies aimed at promoting gender equality and dismantling barriers to the full participation of women. Despite these advancements and the increasing presence of women, police and security forces still fall short of achieving gender equality.

In this article, we have analyzed three policies aimed at promoting gender equality. Following Engeli and Mazur (2018), we found that the gender policies analyzed here could be categorized as gender accommodating, wherein traditional gender roles remained entrenched, and Gendarmerie personnel continue to embrace long-held norms about masculine and feminine roles. Gender stereotypes, the gender division of labor, reproductive capacity, and caregiving responsibilities continue to operate as invisible mechanisms affecting the career development of women in the Gendarmerie. The gender equality policies implemented removed formal and direct discrimination, but they remain weak in removing informal direct and indirect discrimination as described in the three “obstacles” (namely, division of labor, institutional barriers, and sedimented informal discriminatory practices). Furthermore, the execution of the policies often hinges on the discretionary authority of an individual. Consequently, women in this institution continue to encounter obstacles and constraints in their career advancement, and the policies devised to address these issues offer limited instruments to support their implementation.

Unlike the armed forces, the incorporation of gender policies in Argentina’s security forces was very abrupt. The policies analyzed were made possible thanks to various factors. One significant factor was the political commitment within the Ministry of Security, particularly during the tenure of Nilda Garré, who introduced gender policies in the armed forces and continued in policing and security spheres. This initiative was part of a broader state policy promoting human rights, the visibility of memory policies, and an intention on the part of the heads of the executive power to democratize these areas and bodies of the state (Frederic and Calandrón 2015).

The creation of the Gender Division within the Ministry of Security also played a pivotal role in the development and implementation of gender policies. This division functioned as a mediator between the government and feminist movements (Lopreite and Rodríguez Gustá 2021), allowing hierarchical and rigid institutions to dialog and debate with activists, scientists, and political leaders. As an insider agency, it was able to translate movement demands into policies for security and police personnel. The professionals and administrative staff at the Gender Division were crucial in formulating policies and forging alliances with feminist movements.

Despite shifts in political positions over thirteen years, ranging from more conservative to progressive stances on feminism and gender policies, the interdisciplinary team of femocrats at the Gender Division persisted in advocating for gender policy integration within the federal police and security forces. However, this changed abruptly following the election of far-right conservative leader Javier Milei as President of Argentina in 2023. The new administration quickly dismantled the Ministry of Women and Gender, along with gender departments and divisions in other government sectors, including the Ministry of Security. As a result, the femocrats were dismissed from their positions.

Another significant factor influencing the design and implementation of policies was the hierarchical and militarized structure of the Gendarmerie. Despite resistance and opposing beliefs from some members of the Gendarmerie, the National Gendarmerie was compelled—by virtue of its legal subordination to civilian authorities—to adhere to the political decision to incorporate women and comply with the resulting regulations. While learning, incentive, and symbolic instruments were somewhat lacking, the authority instrument established a foundation for potential gender transformation in the future. To progress in this direction, gender equality policies within militarized, male-dominated organizations must incorporate robust instruments in their design. These instruments should address the myriad barriers, obstacles, and informal daily practices that impede the smooth implementation of gender policies.

Gender policies within security forces in Argentina have shown significant transformative potential. However, the sustainability of these advances depends largely on the political will that supports them. Comparative literature in the region reveals that the processes of institutionalization of gender policies are fragile if they are not rooted in progressive political projects (Blofield and Ewig 2017; Waylen 2007). In Chile and Argentina, for example, the democratic transition allowed progress in gender equality, but these advances have been vulnerable to political changes and lack of continued support (Franceschet 2011).

For gender policies in security forces to be maintained and deepened, it is crucial that they are integrated into a political agenda committed to gender equality. Empirical evidence shows that a lack of political will can lead to setbacks or superficial implementation of these policies, which compromises their long-term effectiveness (Molyneux 2000).

Notes

Acknowledgments

The authors extend their gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and feedback, which significantly enhanced the manuscript. We also thank the personnel of Argentina’s Gendarmerie for their invaluable assistance during the research process.

Funding

This research was supported by Instituto Universitario de Gendarmería Nacional Argentina (Resolución Rectoral 3/2022).

Conflict of interest. None declared.

Data availability

The data underlying this article cannot be shared publicly for the privacy of individuals who participated in the study. The data will be shared on reasonable request to the corresponding author.

References