Christopher S. Browning, Reader of Politics and International Studies at the University of Warwick, offers a compelling critique of the neglect of nation branding in international relations (IR) scholarship. Browning argues that nation branding plays a serious role in global politics by addressing issues of community, identity, status, globalization, and security, thus necessitating approaches that span disciplines and subfields. Nation Branding and International Politics highlights its varied logics, contextual factors, and manifestations, drawing on a wide range of literature as well as empirical texts including state leaders’ remarks and inputs from nation branding consultants. With smooth transitions and a theoretically informed structure, the book weaves diverse cases from European, Asian, Latin American, and African nations into a cohesive and nuanced framework. By the conclusion, readers gain both a deeper understanding of nation branding practices and an appreciation of their relevance in contemporary IR.

The book begins by laying a conceptual foundation, distinguishing nation branding from related concepts such as national image/identity, propaganda, and soft power (Chapter 1). It defines nation branding as a constitutive form of knowledge production that activates and suppresses specific national images/identities while stirring emotional connections for both international and domestic audiences. While the dominant view associates it with an “ideology-free” market logic, the author contends that cultural and diplomatic logics remain equally salient, especially when branding intersects with geopolitical concerns. Chapter 2 builds on this foundation with a historical account, examining state transformation from “territorial states” into “competition states” vying for survival in global markets during the late Cold War era. The chapter effectively describes how nation branding has been shaped by state actors, consultants who promote it as packaged knowledge, academics, and international organizations, emphasizing the complex and relatively invisible processes of identity construction and self-representation.

Discussions on the psychological and affective dimensions—anxiety as a key driver behind the “brand (the nation) or die” mindset—are indispensable in addressing the limitations of capitalist and instrumentalist logic (Chapter 3). Drawing on theories of ontological security, Browning explores how nation branding operates as a mechanism to maintain a sense of integrity while seeking recognition and status in a competitive global environment. Rather than relying on authoritarian, top-down indoctrination, nation branding can be seen as a form of governmentality, disciplining acceptable forms of citizenship and positioning citizens as brand carriers who embody the brand. This discussion would benefit from greater engagement with existing scholarship on nationalism, particularly sociological and communication/media studies perspectives on banal nationalism and everyday nationhood (e.g., Fox and Miller-Idriss 2008; Skey and Antonsich 2017; Shahin 2021). Critical questions for future research include: How does nation branding marginalize racial/ethnic, political, and religious minorities as the national “Other,” excluding them from the collective subjectivity required to “carry the brand” and feel pride, shame, or stigmatization associated with it? How do individuals with limited “agency” and “legitimacy” as nation brand carriers perceive branding practices, and what actions do they take or avoid in such contexts?

Browning also examines the moral dimensions of nation branding (Chapter 4), where states construct and maintain “virtuous” identities and reputations to carve out certain recognition and geopolitical roles, exemplified by the Nordic model. This type of branding, aimed at “being seen to be doing good,” can function as a state-level “corporate social responsibility” initiative, providing ontological affirmation of audiences’ political convictions and sense of moral virtue. It remains liberal in nature (e.g., democracy, free trade, peace) while adhering to uncontroversial, hegemonic values. Although it may sound straightforward, this chapter’s thesis raises questions about the sustainability and vulnerability of “good nation” branding, particularly in an era marked by illiberalism, polarization (both domestic and international), and post-truth politics: What is regarded as “good,” and who gets to define or contest it? When authoritarianism and populist nationalism become the new “cool,” can there still be a globally agreed-upon notion of “good,” even within the West? Where should we situate a more radical, transformative praxis that challenges hegemonic values and global hierarchies in this context? Which nations will emerge to represent these “new” values?

Chapter 5 explores nation branding’s potential and limitations in mitigating external and internal tensions, explaining how it can function as a mechanism for achieving international legitimacy (external) and mobilizing public support for security-related actions (internal). The author observes that this approach fosters internal cohesion tied to regime legitimacy, though it often has disparate effects on marginalized populations when aligning the national image with state security goals. Externally, it can employ antagonistic identity branding, exemplified by cases such as Russia and North Korea opposing the US-led West. The chapter concludes with a compelling argument on the role of regime type in shaping branding outcomes, warning against overly optimistic assumptions about the pacifying effects of neoliberal economic logics.

For historically stigmatized nations, can nation branding offer effective tools for reconstructing and rebranding their national identities? Browning remains skeptical about its exaggerated emancipatory nature and role in subaltern politics, particularly when nation branding operates within the logic of global capitalism and competitiveness (Chapter 6). Examples such as Estonia’s rebranding as “Nordic” and the “Brand Africa” initiative illustrate how states attempt to rearticulate their identities to align with privileged signifiers—ultimately reinforcing, rather than challenging systemic underdevelopment and inequalities. This is particularly thought-provoking, as it connects to the Fanonian notion of the “inferiority complex,” highlighting the role of internalized hierarchies in self-image (re)construction among the subaltern. The African context shows how nation branding often contradicts the historical contributions of decolonial pan-Africanism, benefiting only a few relatively powerful countries within the region.

The book appears primarily aimed at fellow IR scholars, offering critiques of the field while also being accessible to students. It is well-suited for advanced courses in IR, nationalism, and other interdisciplinary fields seeking holistic approaches. While some familiarity with social and political theory is helpful, the book remains approachable for a broader audience interested in understanding the complexities of nation branding.

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