Flex, adapt, thrive? Navigating work mutations and the well-being of police officers supporting gender-based violence victims in Catalonia

Abstract

New dynamics in the world of work have emerged due to the transformation in the production system and concurrent labor deregulation policies developed over the past 100 years. Standard employment of the Welfare State now coexists with flexible, disposable labor. This continuum fosters significant mutations, adaptations, and modulations of the workforce, presenting constant challenges for worker well-being. To analyze the impact of these tensions on workers and society, this article explores flexible scheduling practices in relation to levels of stress and work–life balance. This article explores the experiences of police officers in Catalonia who support victims of gender-based violence, and questions whether work flexibility helps or hinders in managing the demanding nature of their work. It argues that flexible work arrangements do not address the challenges of specialist jobs, such as police dealing with gender-based violence and calls for a more comprehensive approach to support the well-being of these essential workers.

INTRODUCTION: WORK AS THE ENGINE OF MODERN LIFE

Modern societies are defined by the centrality of work in our lives. This is driven by the confluence of a centralized power structure, a capitalist economic system, and the transformation of individuals into, essentially, instruments of labor production. As Michel Foucault advise us, capitalism is fixated on the human body as the ultimate wealth-generating machine, capable of production, thought, communication, action, and ultimately, profit (Foucault 2009). This very capability allowed capitalism to commodify the body itself.

Decentralizing work in this deep entanglement of the state, patriarchy, and capital, has proved to be challenging, at least. Feminist scholars like Silvia Federici (2022) have meticulously exposed how employment historically functioned within a patriarchal framework, positioning the White man as the primary economic provider and beneficiary of the social order (Federici 2022). Meanwhile, the state, as Foucault argued (2009), not only orchestrated economic growth but also systematically monitored and controlled social relations.

The tight articulation of capitalism and the state has instilled work as a seemingly natural reality, demanding our binding acceptance. Any lack of work, voluntary or involuntary, becomes a counter-value, a deviation from the norm, in our society. As Fumagalli (2010) explains, only activities with economic value, commercial exchange, and opportunities for social advancement qualify as desirable and valued work. Around this logic, wage labor serves as a foundational institution in modern societies. Through work, we secure the resources needed for basic survival and other subjectively essential means for a fulfilling daily life. This includes leisure, quality of life, satisfaction, and happiness. Moreover, as scholars like Lázaro and Offenhenden (2019) have explored, the intricate relationship between the means of production—how work is done—and the meanings we attach to work itself, exposes that any changes in the material, technical, or social conditions of work inevitably reshape the values we associate with it. Essentially this dynamic interplay causes our perceptions of work to continuously mutate throughout history.

Contemporary work valuations reflect profound socio-economic and productive shifts. Globalization and economic transformations, as noted by Bell (1991) and Virno (2003), have reshaped the employment landscape toward flexible production, market-driven governance, and a new culture of work. Furthermore, scholars like Antón and Ercolani (2015) highlight the increased insecurity and stress caused by recurring economic, political, and social crises. This evolving market, as Bifo (2003) argues, becomes a site for individual aspirations, values, and creative potential, but also a fierce competition ground for skills and knowledge. Consequently, as Virno (2003) emphasizes, contemporary work demands constant adaptation, reskilling, and flexibility across all professions.

This ‘adaptability imperative’ is double-edged as the failure to adapt can lead to feelings of inadequacy and social marginalization, while the constant pressure to be ever-prepared can limit an individual’s ability to manage other aspects of life. In this process, one of the most significant mutations of the working concept is its evolution from a body-centered domain to a mind-centered one. Postfordist production, for instance, no longer exploits the body, but focuses on subjectivity, from which physical and intellectual energies are extracted. Virno (2003) highlights this point, arguing that while the professional skills of a software technician, a FIAT worker, and a precarious worker may differ significantly, they share commonalities in terms of expectations, emotional responses, and mentality.

An arena that presents a crucial area of focus in relation to the need to adapt is the security force, as a professional realm undergoing continuous evolution. Police officers face significant work-related challenges, both emotional and physical, particularly when dealing with issues like gender-based violence. While in this profession flexibility has become a defining feature of these challenges, its impact can be complex. This article delves into the experiences of police officers in Catalonia who support victims of gender-based violence, specifically examining how contemporary transformations in work practices have impacted them. We begin by analyzing the broader context, diagnosing the key mutations that have reshaped employment within the Western world. This analysis provides a foundation for understanding how these changes have influenced the perceptions of work held by these police officers. Following this, we delve into the impact of their work on their physical and mental well-being. Finally, we explore the resources available to them to manage the tensions and stresses inherent in their demanding profession.

REGULATED WORK IN THE REALM OF BEING

Frantz Fanon, in his book Black Skin, White Masks (1973), proposes a world divided into two distinct zones: the zone of being and the zone of non-being. The zone of being represents a space where human dignity is recognized, and conflicts are settled through established institutions. This zone upholds the values of modernity, including citizenship, rights, and private property (Fanon 1973). In contrast, the zone of non-being is characterized by dispossession, exploitation, and violence. Fanon suggests that the West, with its unwavering belief in technology, productivity, economic growth (Segato 2018), and social order, unwittingly perpetuates this zone.

The West is not without its own internal contradictions, however. While peripheral neighborhoods with impoverished, excluded, precarious classes, or groups of immigrants without resources undeniably exist within Western cities, the zone of being has historically employed active social spending policies. These policies include wage regulation, job creation, and unemployment benefits. Instruments that are unique to the Welfare State were designed to maintain a broad middle class, cushion the impact of recurring economic crises, and shield the population from income losses due to illness, unemployment, or age (Muñoz de Bustillo and Grande 2017; Lázaro 2023). This way, State participation in the economy, and as a provider of social services, ensured a stable political and social environment.

As Michel Foucault (2009) argued, the Welfare State’s commitment to providing for citizens’ lives and economic participation masks a system of disciplinary power. States govern by protecting life—offering housing, healthcare, and promises of a long life—in exchange for citizens’ compliance. This translates to living, producing, consuming, or ultimately, dying within a particular social order. Such focus on the disciplined living body becomes crucial within the context of the welfare model and Fordism. High wages combined with state support incentivize participation in the workforce, essentially commodifying the body for production. While individuals may resist these disciplinary structures (as highlighted by Sennett 2000; Ulrich 2000; Harvey 2014), paid work remains central as it provides not only a livelihood but also a sense of identity and self-worth, shaped by societal expectations.

Governing through expectations is a powerful tool. Paid work becomes central to daily life, intertwined with desires for happiness, a stable family life, secure employment, and access to housing (Sennett 2000; Fumagalli 2010). These aspirations contribute to a sense of stability and self-esteem, ultimately reinforcing the existing social order. The West is known for its work related to social and legal protection, which aimed to use formal work, production, and growth to offer social welfare (Kussy et al. 2019). Yet work as an individual experience, mastery, and organization became associated with the White men’s body, in part because White men have created and dominated political, judicial, and social institutions (Chávez and Wingfield 2018).

The capital and the state often form an alliance which, as Segato (2018) argues, places masculinity at the social apex. This translates into the domination of both women and other marginalized groups, regardless of their gender identity, in the workplace and society at large. Spain’s Franco dictatorship serves as a historical example of this dynamic (Nash 2018). The family, economic, and social spheres were legally controlled by men, while women were denied agency in these key areas, and were defined primarily by their domestic obligations and viewed as reproductive bodies.

White masculinity, as Nash (2018) highlights, demanded traits like greater competitiveness, emotional stoicism, and superior productivity compared to women. Rigid gender norms were established to reinforce a system of male dominance across various aspects of life.

EVOLVING LANDSCAPE: TRANSFORMATIONS AND CONTINUITIES IN THE LABOR MARKET

While the Western world has witnessed the incorporation of diverse identity traits, including gender, origin, and skills into the labor market (Harvey 2014), this inclusion did not fundamentally challenge existing power structures. Federici (2022) illustrates this in her analysis of European middle-class women, who may achieve professional success but are still expected to fulfill traditional roles as ‘breeders’. This integration of diverse groups coincides with broader societal shifts. Politically, the state scales back social spending and assumes a more managerial role in the economy.

The productive landscape has also undergone a transformation, transitioning from a focus on commodity-producing economy to a service-producing economy. This service-based economy prioritizes specialized professionals and technical workers—individuals adept at technological innovation, communication, and collaboration (Bell 1991; Bifo 2003; Virno 2003). These combined mutations have dismantled the traditional concept of work. Stable, long-term positions are increasingly rare, replaced by a prevalence of flexible, temporary, adaptable, and even disposable jobs. At the productive level, it has moved from a that gives priority to specialized, professional and technical classes, centralizing elements for technological and intellectual innovation, communication, and cooperation (Bell 1991; Bifo 2003; Virno 2003). These mutations have dismantled the traditional concept of work, to become flexible, temporary, adaptable, and disposable. In this sense, as Bifo (2003) outlines, the transformations toward flexible work can be read as an attack on labor rights and wages, leading to a state of precarity marked by lost benefits and increased workloads.

It is in a framework of high specialization, in digitized risk societies, that the case study of the police body (Mossos d’Esquadra) in Catalonia is particularly relevant. This police force has equipment and services with technological innovation, while was born and evolves with the capital city. As an institution, the police emerged with the aim of monitoring the conduct of individuals, so that it was consistent with the ordinances, regulations, or prohibitions of the State (Foucault 2009).

The evolving landscape of employment significantly impacts the role of security forces in managing risks associated with social and economic transformations. Consider, for example, the support group for victims of gender-based violence. Leveraging various instant messaging channels, these officers provide guidance and report incidents, aiming to reduce violence (Domínguez et al. 2022). The Mossos d’Esquadra’s model underscores the importance of qualified and specialized care for effective support. This service approach reflects the growing trend of flexible work arrangements within the security forces and illustrates the importance of investigating the transformations in work organization within the police bodies. It becomes particularly relevant to examine how employment within the force is adapting, how personnel are adjusting to these changes, and how officers manage their emotions in this evolving work environment.

As argued, in flexible work the subject remains central, while the productive forms vary (Bifo 2003). It is in this sense that the employment of Mossos d Esquadra is particularly revealing. While offering standard, stable, full-time, and protected work with strong class identification, it also presents elements of flexible organization and management. This unique combination makes it a particularly interesting case to analyze the effects of these transformations on the workforce.

EXPLORING POLICE INTERACTIONS AND EXPERIENCES

The empirical data presented in this article are grounded on qualitative research conducted in 2021, focused on police professionals attending women victims of gender-based violence. The funding obtained allowed access to, and collaboration with, different agents that are responsible for the administration of different police regions dealing with victims of gender-based violence. Contact with management officers in each police region, availability, and voluntary participation of officers determined the sample size, which was stratified geographically and by function.

Under an unexplored perspective in the studies of experiences of specialized police units, the investigation adopted a qualitative approach. This approach allowed us to delve into the experiences, expectations, and cognitive dissonances explicit and implicit lived by the agents/participants. The research process was conducted in two phases that included individual and group interviews, the latter in the form of focus groups. A total of eleven in-depth individual interviews were conducted; for the focus groups, a total of twenty-six staff/s participated, with groups of between three and seven participants.

The Catalonian police force interacts with victims of crime through three distinct units, each specializing in different stages of the victim’s journey: The Public Safety Units (USC or Unitats de Seguretat Ciutadana) conduct street patrols and respond to emergency calls, likely being the first point of contact for many victims. The Citizens’ Attention Offices (OAC or Oficines d’Atenció al Ciutadà) is located at police stations, where officers receive formal complaints from victims. Finally, the Victim Support Groups (GAV or Grups d’Atenció a la Víctima) is composed of specialized officers who provide support to victims of gender-based violence, domestic violence, hate crimes, and other sensitive cases.

While all three units belong to the USC, their roles and challenges differ significantly. USC officers focus on immediate response, OAC officers handle formal procedures, and GAV officers provide ongoing support. This specialization leads to distinct needs and resources for each unit in terms of their interactions with victims. This article focuses on the experiences of officers working in the Victim Support Groups (GAV). All research adhered to strict ethical standards, emphasizing respect for human dignity, informed consent, anonymity, and confidentiality throughout all stages: research design, fieldwork, analysis, and dissemination of results.

WORK AND WELL-BEING WITHIN THE CATALAN POLICE GENDER-BASED VICTIMS’ SUPPORT UNITS

Established in 1983, following Spain’s devolution of power to regional governments, the Mossos d’Esquadra (Catalonia’s autonomous police force) replaced the Civil Guard and National Police (Domínguez et al. 2022). This integral police force fulfills diverse functions, including security, public order, administrative duties, judicial police work, criminal investigations, rural policing, and victim support, particularly for victims of gender-based violence.

Within the Mossos d’Esquadra, the Victim Support Groups (GAV) specialize in counseling and follow-up care for victims of gender-based violence, domestic violence, and other forms of abuse (Domínguez et al. 2022). GAV members are public servants who undergo rigorous physical and mental testing to qualify for their positions. Their work exhibits characteristics of both traditional and flexible work models. On the one hand, GAV positions offer stability, long-term employment, formal benefits like retirement, and a strong professional identity with some mobility—reminiscent of Fordism-era jobs. On the other hand, the specialized nature of their work, the potential for long hours and stressful situations, and the dynamic, ever-changing nature of their daily work plans all reflect aspects of flexible work arrangements (Bell 1991; Harvey 2014).

This hybridization necessitates constant adaptation, adjustment, and integration of new skills as the work environment evolves (Bell 1991; Harvey 2014). Mossos d’Esquadra officers frequently describe their work as significantly different from factory work with its defined and compartmentalized tasks. They emphasize the need to diversify and adapt their approach on a daily basis, a key difference from a more standardized production line. The number of GAV members depends on the size of the locality. If the locality is small the group will integrate between one and two agents, if the locality is large can be composed of six professionals. Also, the volume and organization of work changes from one police station to another, as it depends on how the groups are organized and the involvement of the members.

The empirical results reveal how GAV staff handles a wide range of complaints, including those related to gender-based and domestic violence, sexual assault, forced marriages, mutilation, discrimination based on race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and human trafficking. Thus, GAV’s work exemplifies cooperative procedures (Virno 2003). Building relationships with other institutions forms a core element of their public service mission. GAV’s Officers collaborate extensively with social services, municipalities, courts, lawyers, prosecutors, child protective services, educational centers, and disability centers. As we’ll see throughout this Domínguez et al. (2022), GAV officers embody the characteristics of a cognitive worker (Bifo 2003; Harvey 2014). These skills are crucial for their work, which demands strong language skills, effective collaboration, excellent memory, flexibility, specialization, the ability to apply diverse knowledge bases, and a holistic understanding of the entire support process.

NAVIGATING WORK FLEXIBILITY AT THE GAV VICTIM SUPPORT MODEL

As noted, the victim support model typically involves receiving calls or complaints, investigating the facts, and safeguarding high-risk victims. Officers would prefer to work on a dedicated team to handle these tasks. These are the ‘Commissioners’: a fixed group who efficiently manages complaints, dictates the process and rules, and prepares court documentation. However, this ideal often clashes with reality, as police stations may not have sufficient staff for such dedicated teams.

The workload and operations of police stations can vary significantly. This variation depends on factors such as work organization, staffing levels, and member involvement. Interviewed investigators explained that, in some stations, a single GAV agent handles the entire process: collecting complaints, managing them, and conducting investigations. In other stations, the citizen’s attention officer collects the complaint initially, before transferring it to a specialized GAV agent for further handling. Additionally, in regions with smaller towns, victims may prefer to directly contact GAV agents, bypassing the initial complaint stage.

The victim support model follows a structured process. A police officer, typically a GAV unit member, conducts an initial interview with the victim, lasting between 30 minutes and two hours. This interview forms the basis of a new case file if the victim has no prior record of gender-based violence. The report incorporates the victim’s complaint, inquiries concerning minors involved (if applicable), and notifications to relevant agencies such as social services.

Following the initial interview, GAV staff undertake various tasks, including investigation, potential arrest of the perpetrator, and ongoing support for the victim. This follow-up support may involve daily scheduled phone calls to assess the victim’s well-being, review of case files, and coordination with other agencies or family members. In smaller police stations where daily complaints may be infrequent, officers dedicate more time to following up on existing cases.

Mossos d’Esquadra categorize complaints into different typologies such as ill-treatment, assault, threats, and attempted suicide. All actions taken by GAV agents are documented, including transcription of the interview and generation of a report for each complaint. This meticulous record-keeping contributes to the significant time investment required for each case.

A crucial aspect of the victim support model is the accompaniment provided by staff to victims. This accompaniment emphasizes subjective cooperation, where the officer’s primary role is to facilitate the victim’s willingness to engage (Virno 2003). This requires officers to develop strong interpersonal and communication skills to build rapport and encourage open dialogue. Consequently, most GAV agents believe it is vital for the staff who receive and register complaints to have specialized training in gender-based violence. This expertise allows officers to conduct in-depth interviews that gather crucial information while minimizing the risk of re-traumatization:

For example, a girl raped, a battered woman, are situations that you realize that you have to know how to handle very well. What you can’t do is double victimization... That, if you run into a slightly squared agent, that doesn’t have a little bit of a knack for people can complicate that person’s reporting and life. Perhaps, in the future it will happen again, and it will not come to denounce, for the treatment it has had initially (3A RP3 2).

Specialization in gender-based violence allows GAV agents to create a trusting environment. This allows victims, whether reporting for the first time or seeking information, to feel valued, welcomed, and motivated to file a complaint. Furthermore, their specialized knowledge and skills enable them to expose the structural nature of the violence. GAV agents understand that violence often stems from a patriarchal society where women can be subjected to escalating episodes, even risking their lives. However, due to societal vulnerabilities, some victims may choose to return to their aggressors:

From the outside, when you don’t feel it, the easy thing, that is, well, is that of course, it was to be expected... but if you scratch and do this follow-up you can see that sometimes there is an economic dependence and there is no other. He prefers to endure four times, but his children eat. There may be an emotional dependence, that many people do not understand (3A RP3 2).

As highlighted earlier, feminist scholars like Rita Segato (2018) have highlighted the structural nature of gender-based violence, rooted in economic inequality and power imbalances. This contrasts with police classifications that categorize violence based on individual profiles, such as ‘victim of alcoholism’ or ‘domestic partner problems’. While these issues can create vulnerability, such classifications risk victim-blaming and obscuring the systemic nature of the violence.

Focus group data reveal a critical perspective held by most agents, particularly women. They recognize gender-based violence as a product of institutional inequalities and biases. This perspective extends to the legal system, with some agents suggesting that judges and police officers themselves may harbor gender prejudices similar to perpetrators. In essence, they argue that institutions like courts, police stations, and even the Mossos d’Esquadra are not immune to sexist preconceptions. Agents even report encountering colleagues who resist acknowledging the role of structural patriarchal violence.

Justice, and its delivery, is presented as neutral, however, as Segato (2018) explains, this is a representation system that describes how it should be and not what it is. This can be seen in the experiences and perceptions GAV agents, who point out that ideally, the judges should summon the parties and, after hearing each of the parties, decide on the request, based on the assessment of evidence, risks, or signs of violence. In practice, however, judges do not always review the GAV reports thoroughly, potentially overlooking the complexities of the violence experienced by victims. As one officer explains, ‘Women aren’t always prepared to make statements, and even if they are, explaining psychological, sexual, or physical abuse can be incredibly difficult’ (A4 RP2).

This limited perspective extends to institutions that may view gender-based violence solely through the lens of physical assault or attribute it to inherently violent individuals who target women. Agents who have not received specialized training are more likely to adopt this restricted view. A logic that is usually reproduced by agents who have not been trained in gender-based violence:

Patrolmen only see injuries on the body, they lack tools and skills to detect violence, for example, psychological violence does not leave visible injuries. Or they only see profiles of “dangerous” or troubled people, and it is not related to the structural problems of society (A1 RP2 2).

As we can see, the current work environment demands flexibility, strong interpersonal skills, and the ability to manage diverse situations (Bell 1991; Virno 2003). This creates a paradox for GAV agents. While the public perceives them as gender violence experts with readily available resources, the reality is often a lack of sufficient human resources, funding, and material support. This disparity can lead to feelings of discomfort, stress, exhaustion, and work overload among GAV agents.

NAVIGATING COMPLEXITIES: AGENTS’ PERSPECTIVES ON THE WORK OF VICTIMS’ SUPPORT

The workload and pace of work within police stations vary significantly. Smaller stations, staffed by fewer officers typically experience lower overall volume and more predictable workweeks compared to larger stations. However, even in smaller stations, officers may encounter occasional periods with a dramatically accelerated workload.

A key feature of police stations is the emphasis on integrating knowledge and technology to deliver efficient, effective, and high-quality service. Ideally, units are kept small (two or three officers) to facilitate professional oversight and communication, fostering productive cooperation (Virno 2003). However, empirical evidence suggests this ideal is not always met. Officers in high-population areas report instances where two or three Mossos are assigned to follow up on a case, while a separate officer collects the complaint. This fragmentation can hinder communication and collaboration.

The current two-group division of labor within the system raises concerns among officers regarding service quality. This stems from human errors that frequently occur during the initial complaint intake process. These errors create a double burden: increased workload for GAV agents tasked with correcting them and for the supervisory training unit responsible for oversight and management. Additionally, officers perceive the comprehensive recording of all activities (reporting, registration, proceedings, prevention, and database entry) as a significant factor contributing to workload and potentially hindering service quality.

The emphasis on ‘total quality’ within contemporary workplaces translates to worker disposition and the ability to handle unforeseen situations (Bifo 2003; Virno 2003; Fumagalli 2010). However, officers specializing in supporting victims of gender-based violence often struggle to obtain ‘quality complaints’—comprehensive and detailed reports. There are two key factors contributing to this challenge. First, time constraints as quality complaints necessitate extensive interviews with victims, a luxury often hampered by time limitations. Second, communication barriers, as inadequate interaction and communication between officers and victims can hinder information gathering. These challenges are critical because the initial complaint becomes the foundation for court proceedings, and subsequent additions are not always possible:

You can’t keep putting things in, they won’t let you and neither will the court. The defense attorney says, if you put this in, this is what it is. Moreover, if there are recordings and I put in the complaint, the person has recordings, blah, blah, blah, they may not take them. Instead, if I put, you have three recordings, a recording of 4 minutes, in the minute 1:40 says “son of a bitch”, okay it is already transcribed there and that is in the complaint. You need to report this (A2. GF RP 2).

The agents perform a specialized work, which employs knowledge, cooperation, communication, and affection, therefore, the working day is redefined and no longer subject to pre-established schedules or is not respected. This makes it difficult for the agent to separate working time from non-working time, thus changing the temporal dimension of work:

There are days I don’t do seven and a half hours, I do 9 hours, because I have to stay, if I am with a complaint I cannot go home half a report. Then I stay, I take the complaint. When I finish the report, I have calls that must be made that day and very high risk, they must be made, and I have not been able to make them because there is a report, I stay to make them. Then I am nine hours at work (A1 RP 3 1).

In the previous statement, we see the agent is forced to provide more hours to avoid taking work home. This is most common that for officers the working day is extended, which makes it difficult to define the number of hours worked. This is because the monitoring of cases does not remain in the physical space of the commissioners but can be followed in multiple places. For example, as the agents explain, there are Mossos who ‘live to work’; recognizing that they take their work home by carrying the work mobile with them all day, checking emails, or receiving calls on weekends. Yet, interestingly, this alteration of life through work and high dedication to employment, which leads to increases in hours, is read as an individual trait and not as a product of the flexible model that requires few agents a high volume of cases.

Officers in the system participate in the entire service delivery process, managing a high volume of information and workload. This demanding environment often leads to fatigue and burnout, a state of physical, mental, and emotional exhaustion accompanied by feelings of hopelessness, dissatisfaction, and lack of control over work (Figley 1995; Pérez-García et al. 2021; Voth et al. 2021; Domínguez et al. 2022). While officers often experience these symptoms, they may not always recognize their own stress levels and it is often colleagues who identify signs of burnout.

One indicator is a high turnover rate, as exemplified by the statement: ‘There are people who burn very fast, there are people who take three years of police and are already burned. If in three years you are burned, we are going badly’ (RP2_1). Another sign is requests for transfers to different police stations. Officers who experience a change in work pace or even enjoy their work at a new station suggest that burnout may be related to specific workload pressures within certain units:

Until I got to [Lower Population] and saw the quality with which I worked, of course! I can compare, with the quality with which I worked, I thought, now I am enjoying the work, because now I can do many more things (A2).

Supporting victims of gender-based violence requires officers to be highly adaptable. They must perform a variety of duties, including casework, caregiving, de-escalation in tense situations, and offering emotional support to individuals in crisis. This raises a crucial question: what resources or training are currently available to help officers manage work stress, fatigue, mental wear and tear, and prevent burnout?

MITIGATING BURNOUT: TRAINING AND RESOURCE NEEDS FOR POLICE SUPPORTING GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE VICTIMS

The empirical data reveal that officers receive different levels of training based on their assignments. While all officers undergo basic training in essential skills like shooting, driving, and research techniques, those assigned to the Gender-Based Violence (GBV) unit receive additional specialization and specialized courses. This ensures a deeper level of expertise for officers handling these sensitive cases.

The data reveal a concerning inconsistency in training experiences among officers. Some report not receiving any training at all, while others mention limited training hours. There are even officers who felt compelled to pursue additional training on their own initiative. Perhaps most concerning are the reports suggesting the effectiveness of some training programs is hampered by trainers who lack practical experience or real-world (street) knowledge.

On a positive note, the training curriculum covers a variety of relevant topics. Officers have received training in legal and criminal justice updates, support for female victims, civil protection measures, protection of minors, immigration issues, and religious considerations.

While ongoing training is essential for the police force to maintain updated knowledge, hone skills, and deepen service awareness, access often presents significant challenges. These fall into three main categories: limitations, restrictions, and logistical hurdles. In terms of limitations, some officers struggle to balance work and personal life, making it difficult to free up time for training. Also, there are restrictions, as the number of available training slots may be insufficient to meet the demand from officers across Catalonia. Finally, officers encounter logistical hurdles to attend training, as the allocation process for training can be unclear, leaving officers unsure of which courses are suitable for them or how to apply for limited spots. For example, some officers mentioned instances where training quotas are opened for the entire Catalan Community, but due to a lack of transparent allocation procedures, station commanders are unsure which officers should be nominated for these opportunities. This lack of clarity hinders access to valuable training opportunities:

To whom do I give the place? To people who do not know? To people who know but have not done the course? To people who own the place? And the Police School told me, more than two cannot be budgeted (2 RP3 2).

Access to courses and training varies according to the size of the Commissioners. As the fieldwork shows, in small municipalities police stations have resources and offer training courses. Officers point out a strong centralization of training in Barcelona and was a recurring complaint among professionals from different regions of Catalonia. Going to training is difficult due to the lack of staff to cover the working day, lack of availability, and time to travel. Therefore, training is effectively reduced to those who reach the regions and are usually few.

Thus, while officers acknowledge the importance of training, particularly in light of evolving legal landscapes, new regulations, and the critical skills required for victim support, significant disincentives create a barrier to participation. Training is often viewed as a vital investment in staff development. However, a lack of compensation for both trainees and trainers undermines this recognition.

For trainees, dedicating time for training often necessitates personal sacrifices, particularly for those struggling with work–life balance. The absence of financial compensation discourages some officers from prioritizing training opportunities, even when they recognize its value. For trainers, the burden extends to instructors who travel to train officers in different regions. The current compensation system fails to adequately account for the time and travel expenses incurred, especially when considering the potential impact on family responsibilities. This lack of recognition disincentivizes officers from pursuing instructor roles, further limiting training availability:

The teacher from Lleida does not want to come. Because the Police School makes you come one day for an hour, to charge forty euros, when by tolls you already leave half. Not now, but four days ago yes (2 RP3 2).

These diverse, yet major, limitations imply that, actually, agents receive little or no training. However, they highlight self-training initiatives that the staff has been developing over time and with errors within the unit, which they call the ‘school you do every day’. This school is equipping them with resources and skills to respond to the service they perform. So agents do recognize that the newer and updated training is the one learned through experience:

I think the formations are very closed. I think that in the day you can get a thousand cases that in the formation will not come out. The training is this, if I want to call the lawyer, but then there will be a thousand cases that you will say this is macho violence, no? It is the day to day that gives you the most tools (A1 RP 2).

It is also important to note that while the training offered focuses on updates and technical knowledge, officers highlight a critical gap in psychological support for managing stress and workload. Senior officers acknowledge that a decade ago, the department provided a team of psychologists for emotional and psychological support to the GBV unit. Unfortunately, these crucial services were discontinued due to budget cuts and only lasted 2 years. In the absence of formal support structures, officers have developed various individual coping strategies, often linked to their experience and available time.

Through Relativization some officers attempt to distance themselves emotionally by putting cases in perspective, while through having work–life boundaries other officers try to leave work at work, avoiding carrying emotional burdens home. Also, informal breaks are important, as taking short breaks for coffee or smoking are also mentioned as coping mechanisms. Finally, emotional detachment is the most commonly mentioned coping mechanism. Several officers acknowledge employing a degree of emotional distance with victims. This detachment, they explain, is a necessary defense mechanism to protect themselves from the psychological toll of ‘the hardness of the cases’ and the intense ‘material and emotional involvement’ required. Yet, the fieldwork also indicates that some officers have resorted to more concerning coping mechanisms, including seeking professional help, taking leave due to anxiety, or being negatively affected by the cases themselves.

However, experienced officers advocate for a different approach altogether, referring to ‘professional distance’. This concept is described as a balance between thorough casework that benefits the victim and emotional self-preservation. It involves dedicating the necessary time and effort to a case until the officer feels satisfied with the work done. In this view, professional satisfaction becomes the limit of emotional involvement, preventing officers from becoming overwhelmed. The text suggests that ‘distance’ is a skill developed through experience and violence-related training:

There’s a girl who does nothing has started at USC. And one of the problems I had was that there was a lot of closeness to the person who interacted. I had more on the hello than we are and you didn’t have to do that (A3 RP 2).

Police work inherently presents a challenge to work–life balance. The unpredictable nature of emergencies and the emotional weight of cases can make it difficult for officers to truly ‘clock out’. While strategies like separating work and home life, or splitting vacations into segments, might be attempted, the emotional toll of the job can linger, hindering true disconnection during off-duty hours. This constant state of connection can lead to feelings of stress, burnout, and difficulty relaxing.

This blurring of boundaries between work and personal life resonates with the concept of flexible work arrangements explored by Fumagalli (2010). In the context of knowledge work, flexible schedules can make it difficult to distinguish between ‘work’ and ‘non-work’ since the production of knowledge is not subject to a fixed schedule. This, according to Fumagalli, places the burden of maintaining well-being and work–life balance on the individual worker. In the case of police officers, however, the concept takes on a heightened urgency. The emotional investment and unpredictable nature of their work make achieving true separation even more challenging hours.

THE DOUBLE-EDGED OF ADAPTABILITY

Western societies continue to grapple with balancing labor rights—the guarantee of some stability and security—with the increasing demands of flexible production models. In this new paradigm, the worker becomes a ‘mental force’, constantly adapting and integrating as demonstrated in this article, through exposing the everyday reality of the officers working at the GBV unit. This flexibility demands emotional modulation, a skill heavily tested in the face of the emotional toll associated with supporting victims of violence. Witnessing trauma, frustration with a victim’s return to an abuser, and a sense of powerlessness due to misaligned organizational goals all weigh heavily on officers.

The accounts of these officers reveal the material and psychological impact of these labor market shifts. While they value their job security and income, they have had to adapt to the dominance of ‘immaterial work’—work that is more communicative, collaborative, and emotionally demanding in the pursuit of ‘total quality’. However, officers’ point to a disconnect between the demand for high-quality service and the limited individual and organizational resources available to them. For example, the mandate to record every police interaction from intake to closure creates a backlog of work and extended shifts, especially in larger regions.

The specialized work of these officers prevents cases from falling to untrained personnel. However, individual resources are still crucial in their work to support victims. These resources include strategic skills like emotional intelligence, acquired knowledge, communication, and networking with other institutions, and effective emotional and stress management. This article highlights the long-term effects of contact with victims—fatigue, emotional burnout, stress—but also a potential for professional self-evaluation. Stress and fatigue are directly linked to the lack of material resources for managing time and tasks, compounded by the absence of psychological support for the officers themselves. Victim support is a holistic role demanding ongoing training, skill development, and knowledge renewal.

The results of the exploration of police work in Catalonia are presented and debated throughout this article informs also the broader societal shift toward flexible, demanding labor models. These models necessitate continuous adaptation, emotional regulation, and a potential blurring of boundaries between work and personal life. While this flexibility offers benefits, it also raises a crucial question: at what cost?

These revealing findings compel us to re-evaluate the very definition of work in our contemporary world. Can we truly achieve a sense of well-being and fulfillment if work becomes the defining sphere of our existence? The answer lies in striking a balance, ensuring that work serves our lives, not the other way around. By prioritizing well-being, fostering healthy work–life practices, and investing in holistic worker support, we can create a future where flexibility empowers, rather than consumes. This exploration, then, becomes a call for a broader conversation—a conversation about redefining work for the well-being of both individuals and society as a whole.

Acknowledgements

We want to acknowledge and appreciate the participant officers’ cooperation and willingness, as well as the PG-ME corps’ support and flexibility. In addition, we want to express our gratitude to the Spanish Government’s Ministry for Equality Pacto de Estado contra la Violéncia de Género (2021) via the Catalan Government’s Institut Català de Seguretat Pública, under the reference ISPC-2021-276, for the funding provided for this research. We hereby confirm that the present manuscript is original and is not being considered for publication (partial or full) elsewhere, in any form or language.

Conflict of interest. None declared.

Funding

None declared.

Ethical declarations

All procedures performed in the study involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institution (Universitat de Barcelona) and with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration.

Informed consent

Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

REFERENCES