Making a home (from) afar through gender and sexuality: the turn to China and Chinese diaspora in the Thai ‘Boys’ Love’ drama

As Thai actor Earth Pirapat Watthanasetsiri, dressed in an elegant black suit, strides gracefully into the camera’s view, he begins to serenade us with the Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng’s classic song, ‘The Moon Represents My Heart’ (月亮代表我的心), fine-tuning his gesture and gaze to match the tender melody. The scene then transitions to Moonlight Chicken,¹ a Thai ‘Boys’ Love’ drama (hereafter BL). Here he stands before a traditional Chinese-style restaurant, seemingly engaged in a contemplative exploration of the establishment’s historical significance and narrative context, as he portrays the restaurant’s owner in the show. His fellow crew members join in, resurrecting Teng’s beloved song in Mandarin, albeit with a hint of awkwardness, and reviving the mise-en-scene of the TV show’s homoromantic story.

Part of the original soundtrack of the popular drama, the scenario above offers an intriguing prism through which we can study an emerging domain within the transnational television industry. This industry has traditionally been dominated by Euro-American stakeholders, but the growing interactions among those countries that have been marginalised in the global mediascape, specifically China, Taiwan and Thailand, have started to shift the landscape. The instances of intertextual entanglement and transcultural exchange among these peripheral ‘underdogs’ work to disrupt the hegemonic patterns within entrenched televisual discourses and to ignite novel linguistic-cultural possibilities. A critical analysis of the emerging scenarios of queer Asian TV productions therefore helps to broaden and even subvert the prevailing Anglophone lexicons that dominate scholarly understandings of television and related industries. By redirecting our attention towards the Sinosphere, a realm enriched with layers of colonial and imperial sedimentation, these televisual moments also afford us an opportunity to unsettle ‘the historico-geographically determined conceptual matrix that tacitly ties postcolonial studies to certain experiences of Western colonialism and their enduring legacies in Asia and Africa’.²

This essay uses two BL dramas – I Told Sunset About You and To Sir, With Love³ – to explore the recent turn to staging China and the Chinese diaspora in Thai TV culture. My objective is to expand the fundamental axioms of both television studies and postcolonial studies by attending to the distinct circumstances of Sinophone Southeast Asia. Indeed, China has ascended as a global hegemon and an overpowering neocolonial force, leveraging its extensive network of overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia to advance its expansionist endeavours, including projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative.⁴ At the same time, while boasting arguably the world’s largest Chinese diaspora, Thailand has remained critically underrepresented in Sinophone media and queer studies. In this essay I ask how these works employ gendered and sexualised techniques in pop-cultural productions to recreate the linkages between Sino-Thais and their nostalgic construction of ‘home/land’. Furthermore, I interrogate how we can deploy these gendered and sexualised representations as useful tools to dissect China’s new geostrategic manoeuvres, aimed at bolstering its influence in Southeast Asia, especially in light of escalating tensions with western powers.

The BL culture, which originated in Japan and was subsequently introduced to China through Taiwan and Hong Kong in the 1990s, is known as danmei (耽美) in Chinese, derived from the Japanese term tanbi. It focuses on fictional representations of romantic relationships between aesthetically pleasing men. Echoing its reception in other regions, BL initially faced marginalisation due to its ‘problematic’ content, resulting in limited dissemination primarily through personal networks and online platforms during its early stages of development.⁵

But the unprecedented success of Addicted/ 上瘾 (Wei Ding, iQiyi, China, 2016), a youth-focused homoromantic drama adapted from popular online fiction, marked a turning point in the development of BL culture in China and across Asia. This TV drama gained immense popularity upon its mid 2016 release, creating lucrative opportunities in an untapped market but also drawing the attention of censorship authorities. In late 2016 the state banned all BL-themed TV programmes in a bid to control the rapidly growing influence of BL culture. By way of response, media professionals adopted a new strategy, playfully referred to by fans as ‘socialist brotherhood’, to work around censorial restrictions on homoromantic and homoerotic elements in narrative content. Fans coined the term dangai (耽改), or ‘BL-adapted’ to describe this genre, denoting all dramas adapted from BL stories yet omitting their original homosexual content.

Given the significant influence of the BL/BL-adapted TV genre, for a while the Chinese state harnessed its impact to further the nationalist agenda.⁶ While mandating the removal of explicit depictions of same-sex attraction, censors allowed some elements relating to homosocial relationships to remain, giving BL enthusiasts room for imaginative interpretation. As the appeal of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a source of legitimacy diminishes, Chinese authorities are turning to cultural traditions, especially Confucianism, to rebuild their legitimacy, with BL-adapted TV dramas serving as a new conduit.

The mainstreaming of BL culture in Chinese TV drama has sparked a soaring interest in the genre from both fans and media producers across Asia. Following Addicted’s extraordinary popularity, SOTUS: The Series, a romantic story featuring two Thai male college students, gained classic status, with an enduring appeal throughout Asia.⁷ Thailand has since become an original BL production centre in the global market. The Chinese government’s 2021 ban on its own BL-adapted TV productions created an opportunity for more international players to enter this exponentially growing market. Consequently, numerous BL dramas from other Asian countries have rapidly emerged and gained traction online across geo-linguistic borders, even in countries historically less visible in the TV industry, such as the Philippines and Vietnam.

Despite a population of approximately 10 million people, the Sino-Thai community has been largely overlooked in discussions of the Sinosphere, especially when compared to those living in neighbouring countries like Malaysia and Singapore. This oversight can be attributed to Thai government policies related to nation-building. The immigration of Chinese individuals into Thailand, historically known as Siam, dates back to the 1100s and peaked during the Qing Dynasty.⁸ Many impoverished Chinese people from regions such as Canton, Hokkien, Hainan and Yunan migrated to Siam/Thailand in search of job opportunities. The modern formation of the Thai nation-state began during the reign of Rama VI (1910–25), who initiated a nationalist movement aimed at incorporating diverse ethnic groups, including the Chinese, into the newly envisioned Siamese people.⁹ The revolution of 1932, which marked the end of the absolutist monarchy, also led to a reconfiguration of the country’s national identity. Prime Minister Phibun, who served from 1938 to 1944 and 1948 to 1957, played a significant role in transforming Siam into Thailand in 1939, a crucial step in reshaping the national identity. Various ethnic groups, particularly the Chinese community, faced increasing pressure to abandon their cultural and linguistic traditions and embrace the newly constructed ‘Thai’ identity.¹⁰ During the Cold War, especially with the onset of the Vietnam War, geopolitical instability in Southeast Asia escalated, with Thailand becoming strategically important in the USA’s efforts to contain communism. The heightened attention from Thai authorities placed Chinese groups under mounting pressure to further relinquish their cultural and linguistic traditions and demonstrate unwavering loyalty to Thailand. As a result, Sino-Thais were compelled to assimilate into the ‘new’ Thai society to achieve a comprehensive integration.

The surge in the global popularity of BL dramas has prompted the Thai BL industry to redirect its attention towards Chinese diasporas as a strategic move to tap into the profitable Chinese market. This phenomenon is exemplified in the drama series I Told Sunset About You (hereafter ITSAY), which portrays a contemporary romantic narrative centred around two high-school students, Teh and Oh-aew, from Sino-Thai families residing on the picturesque island of Phuket. Teh’s mother runs a Hokkien food restaurant (Teh’s name comes from the Hokkien word for tea, while his brother’s name, Hong, is from the Hokkien word for rice vermicelli), and Oh-aew’s family manages a resort. The story revolves around the characters’ pursuit of Chinese language learning, complemented by Teh’s aspiration to excel in Chinese opera. It should be noted that Phuket, located in the southern region of Thailand, holds a significant place in history as a notable hub for tin mining operations that began in the 16th century. This industry attracted a substantial influx of Chinese immigrant labourers to the area. As the tin mining industry gradually declined in the 20th century, however, Phuket underwent a transformative process and emerged as a destination celebrated for its pristine natural landscape and captivating beauty.

Similarly, the series To Sir, With Love (hereafter TSWL) is set within the context of Chinese immigrant communities and explores the intricacies of a Sino-Thai business consortium known as ‘The Five Dragon Guild’ (五龙会). In this narrative, the succession of the consortium’s leadership necessitates the heir to be the embodiment of hypermasculinity and virility. Thian Song, the eldest son of the Song family that holds a dominant position within the group, confronts the revelation of his same-sex desire, which triggers a storyline revolving around the struggle for the coveted position and the search for the truth regarding his sexual identity. It is worth noting that the story is set against the backdrop of World War II, a period characterised by the zenith of assimilationist policies under the Phibun government, when Sino-Thai families faced formidable challenges in asserting and preserving their cultural and linguistic heritage.

Both dramas serve as excellent examples of a shift in Thailand’s cultural representations towards traditionally peripheral Chinese diasporas to cater to the gigantic Chinese fanbase. BL-informed queerness is employed as a prism to present audiences with insights into the lives of the Sino-Thais. The evolving narratives in both dramas offer substantial opportunities to illustrate the historical and contemporary experiences of diasporic individuals. In ITSAY, the storyline unfolds in a contemporary setting and centres around characters like Teh, his mother and his elder brother, who reside in a ‘shophouse’. These architectural structures, commonly found in regions including southern China, Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand, feature distinctive ground-level covered walkways and are referred to as 骑楼 in Mandarin. They typically house commercial establishments on the ground floor for shops and businesses, while the upper floors are designated for residential use. Remarkably, the popularity of the show has turned the Hokkien food restaurant Kopitiam by Wilai (元春堂), which has a rich history spanning more than a century and served as a filming location for ITSAY, into a prominent tourist attraction. In TSWL, the Song family’s residence is depicted as a courtyard mansion adorned with traditional Chinese elements and decor, including lanterns, embroidered silk cushions, calligraphic art and porcelain vases, as well as intricately carved wood and bamboo furniture. These elements evoke the quintessential aesthetic prevalent in pre-modern Chinese households.

Cultural-linguistic heritage emerges as another salient aspect in both television productions. In ITSAY, the protagonist Teh exhibits exceptional proficiency in Chinese language acquisition, enabling his acceptance into a prestigious institution specialising in communication arts and performance. Conversely, Teh’s rival-turned-boyfriend, Ou-aew, takes the same examination but finds himself placed on the waiting list due to his less satisfactory performance. In an effort to repair their relationship, Teh extends an offer to help improve Ou-aew’s linguistic skills, using flashcards as the primary pedagogical tool. In TSWL, the portrayal of homosexual identity incorporates a term imbued with profound connotations – duanxiu (断袖), or ‘cutting sleeves’. Originating from a legendary narrative that depicted a romantic relationship between a Han emperor and his male lover, duanxiu historically carried positive meanings within Chinese cultural discourse. Despite its diminished presence in contemporary Chinese society, this term is, most ironically, repurposed in the derogatory televisual context to reclaim a nostalgic connection with the presumed Chinese ‘home/land’.

Both shows reconstruct historical sites or events to evoke and strengthen the affective connection between Sino-Thais and their presumed ‘home/land’. In ITSAY, the alley known as Soi Romanee, historically part of a ‘red district’ frequented primarily by Chinese workers, becomes a pivotal backdrop for the romantic encounters between the two main characters. Also noteworthy is the setting for Teh’s date with Tarn, a female classmate with whom he had flirted for years. This rendezvous serves as a transformative moment for Teh as he begins to recognise his true affections for Ou-aew. The venue for this encounter is the oldest Chinese-language school in the town, a British-colonial-style mansion built in 1934, representing the history of previous waves of Chinese immigration in the area. Although neglected for an extended period, this building underwent remodelling and was transformed into the Phuket Thai Hua (Sino-Thai) Museum a few years prior to my own visit to the town in 2021. In TSWL, the narratological structure unfolds against the backdrop of World War II, when Thailand became the major ally of Japan in Southeast Asia. However, its storyline deviates from this historical reality, adopting a narrative that portrays Japanese invaders as not only the enemy of the Thai nation-state but also as a major obstacle to the true love between Thian and his partner, Jiu. This deliberate departure from historical accuracy can be interpreted as a calculated alignment with the nationalist sentiment advanced by the Chinese state, leveraging an ‘anti-Japan’ narrative intended to garner favour among discerning Chinese viewers.¹¹

Gender provides an essential conduit to revamp the sociocultural terrain of BL-informed queerness, in order to fill gaps in the Chinese market. Thai BL has gathered a substantial following by integrating both a hyper-romanticized queerness popularised by Japanese BL and the androgynous masculinity characterising K-pop culture into its unique sociocultural milieu as a veritable ‘rainbow mecca’.¹² Much like their Korean male idol counterparts, Thai BL celebrities embody a fusion of aesthetic attributes, including robust muscularity, effeminate and androgynous facial features, and stylish attire and makeup. These actors, meanwhile, particularly those assuming the ‘top’ role, consistently epitomise a hypermasculine ideal, further emphasised by their prowess in sports, engagement in traditionally ‘masculine’ academic fields like engineering or biomedicine, or talent for rock’n’roll. Notably, the realm of competitive sports serves as a primary stage for the expression of hegemonic masculinity in western cultures;¹³ in contrast, Chinese culture has traditionally esteemed men who pursue literary careers and embody a delicate, non-aggressive, soft gender style.¹⁴

The two shows significantly depart from the Thai BL male archetype by placing substantial narratological emphasis on the construction of soft masculinity as a key selling point. Teh, for instance, showcases exceptional academic excellence, particularly in the realm of Chinese language studies. Given that Thai BL often highlights hypermasculinity through disciplines such as engineering and medical sciences, Teh’s linguistic abilities seem to cast him in a softer, ‘nerdy’ light. In his role as a ‘top’, moreover, Teh deviates further from the customary Thai BL portrayal of tops as phi, or ‘old brother’, symbolic not only of seniority but also of power and socio-economic resources. Thian is relatedly portrayed as academically accomplished, excelling in accounting and finance, which reinforces his intellectual disposition and places him within the realm of soft masculinity, although he takes on the role of ‘bottom’ in the relationship. Thian’s unaggressive and reserved persona is further accentuated through the sharp contrast with his younger brother, Yang, a charismatic playboy who would boldly defend his girlfriend, Phin, often resorting to physical confrontation.

Teh and Thian defy prevailing masculinist norms found in both western and Chinese contexts, which prescribe that a ‘real man’ should always remain self-contained and avoid public displays of vulnerability. This norm is challenged by the pair’s open expression of emotion through tears, and through the diegetic development, when encountering their lovers, revealing their emotional vulnerabilities, facing significant life challenges, dealing with disapproving parents or family members, or simply seeking support and comfort from their loved ones. In the case of Teh, the presence of Ou-aew consistently elicits vulnerabilities and tenderness, while for Thian the act of shedding tears serves as a defining characteristic that underscores his role as a compassionate and altruistic individual. The moments of emotional sensitivity and affectivity represent a concluding element in the reinforcement of their depictions of soft masculinity for the audience.

These two shows reveal a new trend in Thai TV culture, marked by a strategic shift towards Sino-Thai communities, a move that has garnered significant attention from Chinese audiences. Examining this gendered and sexualised construction within the context of China’s escalating global expansionist efforts reveals a dual role in the BL-induced reconstruction of linguistic, cultural and ethno-racial connections: first, these linkages serve to recreate a sense of ‘China’ as a distant homeland, invoking nostalgic attachment among Chinese diasporic groups; second, they establish an affective framework for the formation of an imaginary ‘home beckoning from afar’, creating a socio-cultural and linguistic entity that resonates with younger generations of Chinese viewers immersed in the nationalist fervour promoted by the party-state. As the geopolitical rivalry between China and the USA intensifies, both countries actively seek to enhance their presence in Southeast Asia as a frontline for their brewing struggles in the so-called New Cold War. Beyond financial investments through initiatives like the ‘Belt and Road’ project, aimed at enticing and coercing regional countries into a neocolonial framework, the Chinese state acknowledges the significance of sociocultural factors, particularly soft power, as a vital domain for competition.

Given these intricate dynamics, the burgeoning televised interactions between China and Thailand can serve as an alternative lens, allowing us to venture into the global TV industry and dissect the politico-economic vicissitudes that underlie, and are forged through, its translocal and transnational operations. In response to the increasingly strict stance of Chinese authorities regarding the portrayal of soft and androgynous masculinities in BL media, prominent Chinese media conglomerates like iQiyi and Tencent (or WeTV in international markets) – entities that have significantly invested in and profited from the success of this genre – have redirected their focus towards the Thai market in pursuit of fresh and lucrative prospects. For example, the recent Thai BL drama KinnPorsche: The Series,¹⁵ backed by iQiyi as a major investor, gained global popularity immediately after its release. Simultaneously, many Thai celebrities who have achieved international recognition through their roles in the BL drama are regularly featured in promotional events, facilitating the establishment and consolidation of Lazada as the leading e-commerce platform in Thailand and across Southeast Asia. Lazada’s parent company, Alibaba, stands as the largest Chinese multinational technology corporation specialising in online business, internet and technology, as well as being a key player in advancing China’s expansionist agenda that centres on investment and control of infrastructures in underdeveloped regions, including Southeast Asia. By shedding light on the unfolding neocolonial entanglements that transcend established Euro-American parameters and demonstrating how they are informed and facilitated through televisual productions, this essay is offered as a pedagogical tool, with the hope of stimulating further conversation to deepen our understanding of transnational queer TV culture in an era marked by the emerging New Cold War.

Footnotes